At the same time, I witnessed and learned that many Lebanese Christians and Muslims alike stood with Palestinians, defended them, sheltered them, and rejected these atrocities.

Growing up in this environment also led me to reflect on how dominant Western narratives have formed public memory. Too often, the focus is placed on the conflicts that followed, while the colonial policies that helped create and sustain them fade into the background.

From my perspective, Britain and other European colonial powers played a central role in reshaping the region through imperial policies whose consequences are still felt today. Yet public talk often encourages us to overlook the historical responsibilities, focusing instead on the region’s internal conflicts while ignoring the colonial decisions that laid much of the basis for the instability we continue to witness.

This history reminds us that responsibility belongs to those who commit crimes, not to entire religions or communities. The suffering of Palestinian and Lebanese civilians in Lebanon cannot be understood through simplistic religious or sectarian narratives, nor can it be separated from the wider history of colonial intervention in the region. It is a story of violence inflicted by armed groups and political actors, but also of solidarity shown by people of different faiths who chose humanity over sectarianism. Remembering this history in all its complexity requires admitting both the crimes committed by local actors and the enduring legacy of the colonial powers whose policies helped create the conditions in which these tragedies unfolded.

How an Epstein supporting troll exposed the machinery behind UK political policing of Palestinian women

This week on Substack, an Epstein slave account launched a thread under my post about Gaza. Not to argue. Not to challenge a single fact. But to investigate me, dig into my personal history, and attempt to intimidate me into silence.

He began with condescension, pretending to “educate” me about explosions the classic tactic of men who believe Palestinian women need to be lectured into submission. Then he shifted into colonial propaganda: “It is not your land.” “You lost badly.” “Gaza won’t have an Arab majority.” This isn’t political commentary. This is ethnic cleansing language, delivered with the arrogance of someone who believes Palestinians should be grateful for their own erasure.

And when that didn’t work, he reached for the oldest weapon used against Palestinian women:

“You were banned for 8 years.”

As if surviving surveillance, scrutiny, and political policing is a weakness. As if a state ban is supposed to shame me. As if Palestinian women should apologise for existing or fighting back.

He didn’t expose me. He exposed those who feel entitled to police Palestinians in the UK.

Because when an Epstein slave account can wave around UK government links, threaten to “inform the IDF about your relatives,” and tag Palestinians with “extremism” while preaching coexistence, he isn’t exposing my past he’s exposing the network that protects him. He exposed exactly who feels untouchable. He exposed exactly who feels empowered to intimidate Palestinian women. He directly exposed those who believe they can silence us with fear and continued pressure.

THE TACTICS USED AGAINST PALESTINIAN WOMEN IN THE UK

I have experienced this before.

I have been doxxed, my face, my identity dragged across UK and US extremist channels. I have even received death threats. I have been tagged with extremist groups whose entire purpose is to intimidate and silence. I have been flagged, monitored, and smeared simply for being a Palestinian woman who speaks her mind and fights against oppression.

Every time I confronted one of their zionist lobby figures, they shook, the next time I shake them, they will be belly dancing . They are used to Palestinians being quiet, fragmented, apologetic. They are not used to Palestinian women who stand their ground, expose their lies, and refuse to bow. They really do not like it.

This Substack thread is not new it is part of a long pattern:

• Doxxing

• Smearing

• Threatening families

• Weaponising state bans

• Tagging Palestinians with “extremism”

• Using UK government links as intimidation tools

• Pretending to offer “coexistence” while advocating domination

All to silence one woman posting an image of Gaza.

THESE ARE THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MANIPULATION TACTICS HE USED

His thread follows a textbook pattern used by extremist‑adjacent networks:

1. False Expertise: Pretending to “educate” us about explosions to establish dominance.

2. Historical Revisionism: Rewriting Palestinian history to blame Palestinians for their own dispossession.

3. Demographic Threats Openly fantasising about Gaza losing its Arab majority a psychological tactic meant to normalise ethnic cleansing.

4. Personal Targeting: Asking if we “know certain people,” implying surveillance, implying danger.

5. Criminalisation: Accusing us of “supporting terrorism” a tactic used specifically against Palestinian women to silence political speech.

6. State Weaponisation: Using a past UK ban as a tool of intimidation, not an argument.

7. Isolation Strategy Repeating “you aren’t helping your case” is a manipulative attempt to shame me into silence.

8. Coexistence Gaslighting Preaching “coexistence” while advocating domination, demographic engineering, and forced deradicalisation.

These are not random comments. These are coordinated psychological tactics used to break us Palestinian women down, to silence us and to minimise our presence.

LEGAL FRAMING: WHAT HE DID IS NOT “DEBATE” — IT IS TARGETED HARASSMENT

Under UK law, his behaviour intersects with multiple categories:

Malicious Communications Act 1988: Threatening to inform the IDF about my relatives is a form of malicious communication.

Protection from Harassment Act 1997: Repeated unwanted contact, especially after no reply, constitutes harassment.

Online Safety Act (2023) Doxxing, extremist tagging, and intimidation fall under harmful online behaviour.

Equality Act 2010, targeting me specifically because I am Palestinian and Muslim, intersects with racial and religious harassment.

Counter‑Terrorism and Security Act 2015: Falsely labeling me as “extremist” or “terrorist” can constitute discriminatory misuse of counter‑terrorism language.

This is not “political disagreement.” This is targeted harassment with political intent, using intimidation, misinformation, and state‑adjacent rhetoric.

HE EXPOSED THE MACHINERY BEHIND HIM

He thought he was exposing me. But all he did was expose the ecosystem behind him the same ecosystem that has harassed, threatened, and targeted Palestinians for decades.

He exposed:

• who feels untouchable

• who feels protected

• who feels empowered to intimidate Palestinian women

• who believes they can silence us with fear

• who believes they can weaponise UK institutions against us

• who believes they can threaten our families

• who believes they can rewrite our history

• who believes they can decide which Palestinian voices are allowed in British public space

He exposed the machinery. I am simply pointing at it.

A CALL TO PALESTINIANS: UNITE AS A GLOBAL FRONT

And he exposed something painful: how fragmented Palestinians have become.

While Epstein’s circles, zionist lobbyists, and their media arms operate like a coordinated army, Palestinians are forced to fight alone - one by one - under threat, under surveillance, under smear campaigns.

We cannot afford fragmentation anymore. We cannot afford silence. We cannot afford isolation.

Palestinians must unite as a global front - diaspora, refugees, citizens, exiles - one army of truth, one voice, one movement.

Because the people who target us are already united. And they fear nothing more than Palestinians who stand together.

THE FINAL WORD

He didn’t expose my weakness. He exposed their fear fear of a Palestinian woman who refuses to be intimidated, refuses to be erased, and refuses to let their networks operate in the dark.

I am not the one shaking. They are.

If you want to see exactly what I share the crimes, the evidence, the truth they twist into “terrorism” follow me on Instagram: taghrid.almawed

They monitor it. They fear it. They try to weaponise it against me. But my voice is not going anywhere.

A Palestinian Woman Responds to Ahmad Mansour

Ahmad Mansour is originally Palestinian, though you would never know it from the way he speaks. He treats his own origins like an inconvenient rumour. His parents or grandparents lived through the Nakba, which shaped many Palestinian families. Yet, he behaves as if he were born in a vacuum, untouched by history, untouched by the violence that shaped his own people.

He performs detachment like it’s a virtue.

In reality, it’s just amnesia dressed up as expertise.

And here’s the part he can’t escape:

How does a man claim to fight “extremism” while denying the extremist ideology of zionism that occupied his own people’s land, expelled his own family, and continues to brutalise Palestinians and Lebanese today?

How do you build a career on warning the world about radicalisation while refusing to acknowledge the radical project that created your own diaspora?

What kind of illusion do you have to live in to erase your own origins while lecturing the world about “complexity”?

He has built a career on a very specific role: the state‑approved Arab, the one who nods along, the one who tells Germany exactly what it wants to hear about Muslims, Palestinians, and Israel. His own posts make that clear. He presents himself as a man “living in fear” for opposing Islamism and antisemitism while collecting state honours, media platforms, and institutional protection like loyalty points.

He warns people not to “label antisemites who are not,” but then uses the accusation as a weapon to discipline journalists, like when he scolds ZDF and Dunja Hayali for their coverage of Israel and Lebanon. His demand for “complexity” always seems to mean one thing: repeat the Israeli government’s talking points and pretend it’s nuance.

And then comes the most embarrassing part of his performance:

He insists the zionist entity “did not attack Lebanon,” as if the last 78 years never happened.

As if the same military project that invaded his own homeland in 1948 did not also invade Lebanon in 1978 and again in 1982.

As if Hezbollah materialised out of thin air, instead of being born in the 1980s in response to that occupation.

This isn’t analysis.

It’s historical illiteracy packaged as courage.

It’s PR for the same forces that uprooted his own family.

And when he tells the story of the “Jewish mother” and the “Muslim caregiver” as the supposed essence of Israeli society, he’s not describing reality; he’s giving a political bedtime story for an audience that wants to be comforted, not informed. Palestinians become props. Inequality becomes invisible. Occupation becomes a cute anecdote.

But here’s the deeper truth, the one Palestinians know instinctively:

Colonial systems always elevate certain “native voices.”

The ones who smile on cue.

The ones who comfort the coloniser that everything is fine.

The ones who distance themselves from their own people to gain proximity to power.

The ones who trade dignity for applause.

The ones who choose comfort over conscience.

We have seen this pattern for generations in Palestine, in Lebanon, everywhere a colonising power needed a “local face” to legitimise its narrative. These figures are not new. They are not brave. They are not complex.

They are predictable.

That is why he is platformed.

That is why he is useful.

And that is why so many Palestinians, especially women like me, see straight through him.

Because while he performs “courage” for German applause, he never speaks about the Palestinian families wiped out in Gaza, the refugees in Lebanon who have lived in camps for generations, or the mothers who sleep next to their children so they can die together. He never speaks about the Nakba his own family lived through. He never speaks about the extremist ideology of zionism that turned his own people into refugees.

He does not speak for us.

He speaks over us.

And he speaks against us.

He speaks on behalf of the Epstein people because he is a degenerate like them.

And I refuse his continued erasure of us.

I refuse to let a man who benefits from our dispossession pretend to be an authority on our reality. I refuse to let him turn our suffering into a rhetorical device while he sanitises the violence that shapes our lives.

I am a Palestinian woman.

I carry the history he tries to forget.

And I will not let him rewrite it.

Final note

I am always open to giving talks, lectures, or seminars for anyone who genuinely wants to understand the culture, politics, and lived history of the Levant. And if there is a topic I can not cover myself, I am more than happy to bring in people who were part of the history, people with real knowledge, real experience, and real memory.

If you want the truth, start with the people who lived it.

Your contribution to my work and support in keeping me going would be greatly appreciated.

Taghrid Al-Mawed. Writing from Wales, but with my soul in Palestine.

Share widely — but please credit my writing

https://youtube.com/shorts/NE5Nl7-d_wI?feature=share

In summer 2021, while visiting family in Lebanon, I recorded a video of a Palestinian wedding in one of the narrow alleyways of Ain Al‑Hilweh, the Safhuriyya neighbourhood, my neighbourhood. You can see clearly the exposed electrical wires, the tight passageways, and the density of a refugee camp that has carried generations of displacement. And yet, even in that space, you see life, joy, and a culture that refuses to die.

Most of the people you see in this video at that wedding are from Saffuriyya, the village of Saint Mary, Miriam, a place rich in history, tradition, and dignity. This is how our camp organised each neighbourhood, named after the village or city they were displaced from. These people still carry their customs, their songs, their stories, and their longing for return. Nothing about exile erased who they are.

And then you hear people lecturing us about “coexistence.”

As if decades of poverty, statelessness, persecution and massacres in Lebanon should somehow make us grateful to “stand side by side” with the very system that displaced us, destroyed our villages, murdered us in Palestine, and is still committing massacres against us in the diaspora and the occupied Palestine.

I grew up a Nakba survivor without a nationality, without rights, while the colonial project that expelled my grandparents continues to expand, continues to dispossess, continues to justify violence against Palestinians, with the “promised land “ story.

Some people even romanticise the idea that European settlers were “refugees” themselves, unwanted in Europe, and that Palestine was simply where they were placed. But that narrative erases the truth: their presence was part of a deliberate colonial strategy, one which required our removal to make space for a new political order, and they were used because they are the most disliked.

So, yes, it’s insulting when people speak to us in this shallow, patronising, white-saviour tone about “living together.”

We’ve endured displacement, siege, poverty, and erasure for generations.

And still, we hold on to our identity, our culture, and our right to return to Saffuriyya.

I reject any version of “coexistence” that demands Palestinians Nakba survivors in the diaspora forget their history or accept their own dispossession.

If that offends people, that’s their problem, not mine.

I’m trying to make one simple point: a crime is a crime — and the person who commits it is an individual, not a nationality, not a race, not a gender.
The focus should be on the children’s wellbeing, on the fact that they cried for help and were ignored, and on how the institutions responsible for protecting them failed. That’s where the scrutiny belongs — on the crime and the failures, not on the criminal’s passport.

But of course, Tommy Robinson and the far‑right usually have a different view: they turn every crime into a story about “immigrants,” as if British people are somehow allowed to commit crimes while immigrants are not — and as if supporting the victims is optional.
Their logic is always the same:

When the criminal is British: “He’s troubled; society failed him.”
When the criminal is not British: “See! Immigrants! Culture! Deport everyone!”

It’s absurd.

A criminal is a criminal. A rapist is a rapist. A child abuser is a child abuser. Nationality doesn’t change the crime.

The only thing that matters is that children were harmed, ignored, and failed by the very institutions meant to protect them.

So tell me,

Tommy Robinson

— What’s your comment now

As someone who has studied law and has direct experience with discrimination and targeted harassment, I approach this article through the lens of evidence, motive, and the legal standards for classifying an incident as a hate crime.

1. The claim that the attackers “heard Hebrew” is unverified

The article states that the victim “was heard speaking Hebrew” before the assault.
From a legal standpoint, this raises a fundamental question:

Who identified the language, and on what basis?

Most people in the UK cannot reliably distinguish Hebrew from Arabic, Farsi, Turkish, or even certain European languages.
The article provides no evidence that the attackers:

• recognised Hebrew,

• understood the accent,

• or acted because of the language.

This is a major evidentiary gap.

2. No corroborating evidence is presented

There is no:

• CCTV footage,

• audio recording,

• verified witness statement,

• Or police confirmation of the alleged verbal exchange.

The only narrative source is a political advocacy organisation, not an investigative authority.
In legal analysis, unverified claims cannot establish motive.

3. The hate‑crime classification is preliminary

The Metropolitan Police state they are treating the incident as a hate crime.
This is an investigative category, not a legal conclusion.

To legally establish a hate crime, the CPS requires:

• evidence of hostility,

• words or behaviour indicating prejudice,

• Or a clear link between the victim’s perceived identity and the assault.

None of this is demonstrated in the article.

4. Lived experience exposes systemic inconsistency

I have personally been:

• subjected to Islamophobia,

• targeted with anti‑Palestinian hate,

• doxxed,

• Threatened with violence and death.

When I reported these incidents — including tagging the Metropolitan Police — I received no response, while the group harassing me was engaged with because they labelled me “antisemitic.”

This illustrates a pattern of selective credibility and selective policing.

5. The organisation quoted has a history of unverified claims

The organisation quoted in the article has previously been criticised — including by parliamentary committees, Jewish academics, and journalists — for making claims that were exaggerated, misleading, or unsupported by evidence. Because of this documented pattern of disputed allegations, a legally trained reader must apply heightened scrutiny rather than accepting their statements at face value

6. Conclusion

From a legal perspective, the article presents:

• an allegation without evidence,

• a motive without verification,

• a narrative shaped by a political advocacy group,

• and a police classification that is preliminary, not proven.

Until there is actual evidence — not assumptions or political statements — this remains an unverified claim, not an established hate crime.

هذا هو المسودة الأولى للبيان. أرحّب بملاحظاتكم وأي إضافات قد لا أكون قد ضمّنتها في هذه المرحلة.

1. نضالنا لم يبدأ اليوم؛ عمره مئة عام 📅🕰️
نحن امتداد للفلسطينيين الذين قُتلوا عام 1937، وهُجّروا عام 1948، ويُستهدفون اليوم.
الذاكرة ليست عبئًا — إنها دليل وهوية ومقاومة. 🕊️

2. لا مساواة بين صاحب الأرض والمستعمِر 🌍⚔️
أي خطاب يساوي بين الفلسطينيين ومحتلّيهم هو شكل حديث من أشكال التلاعب الاستعماري.
لا يمكن وضع المظلوم والظالم على نفس الأرضية.

3. قضيتنا ليست أسطورة — إنها جريمة استعمارية موثّقة 📜✍️
فلسطين ليست “أرضًا موعودة”.
إنها أرض حقيقية انتُزعت بالقوة عام 1948 عبر مشروع استيطاني أوروبي بهوية سياسية صهيونية — لا دينية.
نحن نتحدث عن نظام سياسي، وليس عن دين.

4. الهوية الفلسطينية ليست دينية — إنها أرض وذاكرة وانتماء 🇵🇸🌍
الفلسطيني فلسطيني.
والمستعمِر يبقى مستعمِرًا مهما كانت ديانته.

5. الشتات هو العمود الفقري للقضية 💪🌍✊
الفلسطينيون في لبنان وسوريا وغيرها ليسوا “حالات إنسانية”.
إنهم الأرشيف الحي لجريمة مستمرة منذ التهجير.
لا عدالة دون الشتات، ولا مستقبل دون حق العودة.

6. المساواة بين جميع الفلسطينيين 🇵🇸🤝🌍
لا يوجد فلسطيني “درجة أولى” وآخر “درجة ثانية”.
نحن شعب واحد، وألم واحد، ونكبة مستمرة في غزة والضفة وداخل الـ48 وفي الشتات.

7. المنقذون البيض لا يحددون من هو “الفلسطيني الحقيقي” 🇵🇸🕊️✊
نرفض التضامن الانتقائي الذي يختار فلسطينيين يناسبون الرواية الغربية ويتجاهل المهمّشين، خصوصًا في المخيمات والمنفى.
الفلسطيني يُعرَّف بالذاكرة والتهجير والنضال والحق — لا بالموافقة الغربية.

8. الهولوكوست الفلسطيني — تسمية ضرورية
ندعو إلى إحياء سنوي بعنوان:
“الهولوكوست الفلسطيني”
ليس للمقارنة، بل لتسمية الجريمة بدقة:
جريمة نفّذها نظام استيطاني أوروبي بهوية سياسية صهيونية، بدعم من أطراف أخرى.

9. التعويض والعودة — حقوق غير قابلة للتفاوض 🤝⚖️
لكل فلسطيني الحق في:

• التعويض عن الضرر المادي والمعنوي

• العودة إلى قريته المدمّرة

• العودة إلى قريته الممحوة

• العودة إلى أرضه المصادَرة

• العودة إلى بيته المسروق
  العودة ليست شعارًا — إنها حق فردي وجماعي.

10. المساءلة القانونية ⚖️
نطالب بمحاسبة كل من شارك في:

• التهجير

• القتل

• المصادرة

• التعذيب

• الحصار

• الاستيطان

• الهندسة الديموغرافية
  المستعمِر مجرم بمجرد بقائه على أرضنا.

11. الفلسطينيون الذين يروّجون “خطابات السلام” مع عدونا لا يمثلوننا 🇵🇸✌️🕊️
التمثيل يأتي من الجرح والذاكرة والمنفى والنضال والحق — لا من منصات ممولة من المستعمِر.

12. هذه ليست قضية فلسطينية فقط — إنها قضية أوروبية وعالمية 🌍🇪🇺🇵🇸
المشروع الصهيوني، الذي أُنشئ لخدمة أوروبا، أصبح عبئًا عليها وعلى العالم سياسيًا واقتصاديًا وأخلاقيًا.
لقد خلق:

• انقسامًا اجتماعيًا

• عنصرية متصاعدة

• خلطًا بين مناهضة النازية ودعم دولة استعمارية

• خلطًا بين نقد الاحتلال ومعاداة السامية

• مناخ خوف يهدد الانسجام الأوروبي
  الأوروبيون اليوم يدفعون ثمن ما صنعه أسلافهم.

13. على الأوروبيين الانضمام إلينا لإنقاذ بلدانهم 🇪🇺🌍🤝
شبكة صغيرة من النخب تستخدم النظام الصهيوني كأداة للاستغلال العالمي.
لقد استغلوا المجتمعات الأوروبية كما استغلوا الشعوب المستعمَرة.
نقول للأوروبيين:
قفوا معنا ليس فقط من أجل فلسطين، بل لتحرير بلدانكم من نظام يستخدمكم كما يستخدمنا.

14. فلسطين ليست مأساة — إنها حركة تحرر 🇵🇸✊🕊️
إنها نضال شعب يستعيد أرضه ويفكك نظامًا استعماريًا.

15. مبادئنا 🤝🌟💡

• الذاكرة مقاومة.

• العدالة شرط.

• العودة حق.

• التحرير طريق.

16. دعوة للانضمام 🗣️📣🤝
الحركة العالمية لتفكيك الصهيونية مفتوحة لكل إنسان يرفض الاستغلال والاستعمار والتلاعب بالشعوب. 🌍✊🕊️🇵🇸
للحصول على التحديثات وخطط العمل والإعلانات، اشترك أدناه.
(يجب التأكد من المعلومات من مصادر موثوقة.)

FOUNDING MANIFESTO 📜✍️

Global Palestine Movement to Dismantle Zionism

This is the first draft of the manifesto. I welcome your feedback and any additions that I might not have included at this time.

1. Our struggle did not begin today; it is a hundred-year-old 📅🕰️

We are the continuation of Palestinians killed in 1937, displaced in 1948, and targeted today.

Memory is not a burden — it is evidence, identity, and resistance. 🕊️

2. There is no equality between the native and the colonizer 🌍⚔️.

Any discourse that equates Palestinians with their occupiers is a modern form of colonial manipulation.

The oppressed and the oppressor can not be placed on the same ground.

3. Our cause is not mythology — it is a documented colonial crime 📜✍️

Palestine is not a “promised land” narrative.

It is a real land violently seized in 1948 by a European settler‑colonial project with a political Zionist identity — not a religious mandate.

We speak about a political system, not a religion.

4. Palestinian identity is not religious — it is land, memory, and belonging 🇵🇸🌍

A Palestinian is Palestinian.

A colonizer remains a colonizer, regardless of religion.

5. The diaspora is the backbone of the cause 💪🌍✊

Palestinians in Lebanon, Syria, etc., are not “humanitarian cases”.

They are the living archive of a continuous crime since displacement

There is no justice without the diaspora and no future without the Right of Return.

6. Equality among all Palestinians 🇵🇸🤝🌍

There is no “first‑class” and “second‑class” Palestinian.

We are one people, one suffering, all endured through our ongoing and repeating Nakba, in Gaza, in the West Bank, inside 48, and the diaspora in Lebanon, Syria, etc

7. White Saviours do not define who the “real Palestinian” is 🇵🇸🕊️✊

We reject the selective solidarity that chooses Palestinians who fit a Western narrative and ignores the marginalized — especially those in refugee camps and exile.

A Palestinian is defined by memory, dispossession, struggle, and right, not by Western approval.

8. The Palestinian Holocaust — a necessary naming

We call for an annual commemoration titled:

“The Palestinian Holocaust”

Not to compare tragedies, but to name the crime accurately:

a crime carried out by a European settler‑colonial system with a Zionist political identity, with the backing of other actors.

9. Compensation and return — non‑negotiable rights 🤝⚖️

Every Palestinian has the right to:

* compensation for material and moral harm

* return to their destroyed village

* return to their erased village

* return to their confiscated land

* return to their stolen home

Return is not a slogan — it is a personal and collective right.

10. Legal accountability ⚖️

We demand accountability for all who participated in:

* displacement

* killing

* confiscation

* torture

* siege

* settlement

* demographic engineering

A colonizer is a criminal by the mere fact of remaining on our land.

11. Palestinian women/ men who promote “peace narratives” with our enemy do not represent Palestinians 🇵🇸✌️🕊️

Representation comes from wound, memory, exile, struggle, and right, not from platforms funded by the colonizer.

12. This is not only a Palestinian issue — it is a European and even a global issue 🌍🇪🇺🇵🇸

The Zionist project, which was created to be a benefit for Europe, is now a burden on Europe and the rest of the world, politically, economically, and morally.

It has created:

* social division

* Rising racism

* confusion between anti‑Nazism and support for a colonial state

* confusion between criticizing occupation and antisemitism

* a climate of fear that threatens European harmony

Modern Europeans are paying the price for what their predecessors created.

13. Europeans must join us to save their own countries 🇪🇺🌍🤝

A small network of powerful elites uses the zionist system as a tool of global exploitation.

They exploited European societies the same way they exploited colonized peoples.

We say to Europeans:

Stand with us not only for Palestine but to free your own countries from a system that uses you as it uses us.

14. Palestine is not a tragedy — it is a liberation struggle 🇵🇸✊🕊️

It is the fight of people reclaiming their land and dismantling a colonial system.

15. Our principles 🤝🌟💡

* Memory is resistance.

* Justice is a condition.

* Return is a right.

* Liberation is the path.

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Certain commentators—including academics—routinely describe the Lebanese Civil War as if neutral, but actually use selective framing to erase context, isolate episodes, and shift blame, particularly to delegitimize Palestinians. This use of selective memory shapes public understanding and politics.

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Nigel Farage has now declared a “war on benefits”. Very dramatic. Very Churchill‑in‑the‑bathrobe. And of course, he warns there will be “riots” and “strikes” — as if Britain’s biggest threat is a single mum on Universal Credit buying pasta on offer.¹

But here’s the part he forgets to mention:
a huge chunk of his own voters rely on the same benefits he wants to bomb from orbit.

Let’s walk through the numbers before the theatrics.

The Legal Reality

Under Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, every person has the right to social security, an adequate standard of living, and protection in cases of unemployment, sickness, disability, or old age.²

You can’t “wage war” on a right.
You can only wage war on people.

The Statistical Reality

• Over 40% of UK households receive at least one form of state support.³

• 56% of Universal Credit claimants are in work — welfare is subsidising low wages, not laziness.⁴

• Over 12 million people receive the State Pension — the largest benefit in the country.⁵

• Mental health conditions account for 37–40% of disability benefit claims.⁶

• NHS backlogs have pushed millions into long‑term sickness categories.⁷

This is not a nation of “scroungers”.
It’s a nation held together by a welfare system that stops people from falling through the floorboards.

Now the part Farage won’t say out loud: his voters are in this data.

Polling shows:

• 30–40% of Reform UK voters live in households receiving benefits (based on age, class, and regional deprivation indicators).⁸

• Reform’s strongest support comes from older and working‑class voters — groups with the highest benefit usage.⁹

• Many supporters receive disability or sickness benefits, often because NHS waiting lists have left them unable to work.¹⁰

So when Farage talks about “war”, he’s not talking about some imaginary enemy.
He’s talking about his own base.

The Sarcasm Section

Imagine telling millions of pensioners — the backbone of your voter base — that you’re launching a “war on benefits”.
Imagine telling people stuck on NHS waiting lists that the real problem is them.
Imagine telling working families that their wages are so low the state has to top them up, and your solution is… to punish them for it.

It’s political theatre with the emotional maturity of a toddler kicking over Lego and calling it “reform”.

The Actual Issue

This isn’t about “benefits Britain”.
It’s about decades of political decisions that created low wages, high rents, NHS collapse, insecure work, and regional inequality.

You cannot build a movement on people’s anger about hardship, then punish them for the hardship you helped create.

If Farage wants a war, he should start with the policies that pushed millions onto benefits — not the people trying to survive them.

Reference

1. Express. “Farage Vows to ‘Wage War’ on Benefits and Warns of Riots.” April 24, 2026.

2. United Nations. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 25 (1948).

3. Office for National Statistics (ONS). Household Income and Welfare Statistics, 2024.

4. Department for Work and Pensions (DWP). Universal Credit Statistics, 2024.

5. DWP. State Pension Summary, 2024–2025.

6. DWP. Personal Independence Payment: Official Statistics, 2024.

7. NHS England. Referral to Treatment Waiting Times, 2024.

8. YouGov; Ipsos; More in Common. Polling datasets on Reform UK voter demographics, 2024–2025.

9. The Independent. “Who Are Reform UK Voters?” June 5, 2025.

10. The Guardian. “Inside the Five Tribes of Reform UK Supporters.” November 13, 2025.

Palestinian Women in Combat: The Story of Dalal Mughrabi

Palestinian women fighters confronted occupation with their bodies, minds, and resolve—never waiting for permission or approval.

Palestinian women have participated in combat long before the concept existed publicly, taking roles on the front lines and shaping lasting resistance.

I, like many Palestinian women, grew up hearing of women who protected villages, sheltered fighters, led uprisings, and forged our national identity. Even before the Nakba, I gave a presentation about this part of the history.

Yet some still expect Palestinian women to be silent and passive, waiting for aid, as if occupation distinguishes by gender or freedom is gained by waiting politely, as I have noticed recently happening in the UK.

But the truth every Palestinian knows is simple: our women have never been spectators. They have always been part of the struggle, the memory, and the future.

These women broke imposed stereotypes and challenged the system, attempting to control the narrative of our history.

After writing about Palestinian women like Leila Khaled and Theresa Halsa, now it is time to introduce you to a name that cannot be ignored, no matter how hard opposing narratives try to erase it: Dalal Mughrabi. This shift marks a shift to a new exemplar of female resistance.

The young woman who walked out of a refugee camp carrying all of Palestine on her shoulder left behind a question that continues to haunt the occupation to this day:

How can one woman unsettle the entire zionist entity?

Dalal Mughrabi: From Refugee Camp to Resistance Icon

Dalal Mughrabi was born in Beirut’s Sabra refugee camp to a family displaced from Yafa in 1948. She grew up surrounded by Nakba of loss, exile, and survival — events that created an entire generation of Palestinians born in a world that denied them both home and future.

She joined Fatah at a young age, like most Palestinians at that time, boys and girls in their early teens, trained in a military campus, and she quickly became known for her discipline, leadership, and clarity of purpose. She belonged to a generation that believed the world would not hear the Palestinian voice unless Palestinians forced it to listen.

The Coastal Road Operation: Two Narratives, One History

On 11 March 1978, Dalal led a group of 11 fighters in what Palestinians call Operation Kamal Adwan ( Kamal Adwan is a Palestinian figure), while the zionist entity refers to it as the Coastal Road attack.

Inside the bus, the young Palestinian Dalal Mughrabi addressed the hostages with calmness, even occupation accounts noted:

She said, “We do not want to kill you. We are holding you as hostages to free our brothers imprisoned in your so‑called state.”

she continued

“We are a people demanding our right to a homeland you stole. What brought you here to our land?”

She noticed confusion on their faces, then she asked:

“Do you even understand my language… or are you strangers to both the language and the land?”

A young Jewish woman from Yemen, who spoke Arabic, translated Dalal’s words. Dalal then took out a folded Palestinian flag, kissed it, and hung it inside the bus while softly singing:

“Biladi -my homeland-… Biladi -my homeland-… Falasteen — to you, we shall return.”

Dalal and her comrades were killed after intense clashes. Photographs later showed the terrorist Ehud Barak dragging her by the hair and kicking her body — an image that exposed the long‑documented Jewish zionist practice of mistreating Palestinian bodies.

In 2008, the occupier claimed to have returned her remains, but DNA tests proved otherwise. Her real resting place remains unknown — part of a long, painful history of withholding Palestinian bodies, condemned by international human rights organizations.

Dalal left behind a message to her comrades:

“Keep fighting until every inch of Palestinian land is free.”

Dalal’s actions must be understood within the framework of international law and Palestinian rights; it is time to make them known worldwide.

1. The Right to Resist Occupation

International law recognizes the right of peoples under occupation to resist. Key documents include:

• UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43 (1982)

Recognizes the ‘inalienable right of peoples under foreign occupation to struggle by all available means, as per the UN Charter.’

• UN Resolution 1514 (1960)

Affirms self-determination and rejects foreign rule.

• Geneva Conventions (1949)

Define occupation and ban collective punishment, extrajudicial killing, torture, and withholding bodies.

These articles form the legal foundation for defending the Palestinian right to resist occupation in international forums today. To understand the lived reality, we must also consider the violations documented by international organizations.

2. Documented Violations by the Occupying Power

Palestinian victims of the ongoing Nakba and International organizations — including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and UN Special Rapporteurs — have documented:

• forced displacement, inside Palestine and the diaspora

• extrajudicial killings

• collective punishment

• settlement expansion (a war crime under the Rome Statute)

• targeting civilians

• torture and ill‑treatment

• withholding bodies

• Organs trafficing

These acts are grave breaches of international law.

3. The Paradox of “Terrorism” Labels

In the Western part of the occupation discourse, those resisting occupation may be called ‘terrorists’. At the same time, the occupier claims self-defense, despite documented violations, and the West itself took part in.

But international law is clear:

An occupying power cannot claim the right of self‑defense against the population it occupies.

This was affirmed by:

• UN Special Rapporteur Michael Lynk

• The International Court of Justice (Advisory Opinion on the Wall, 2004)

In other words:

The occupier does not defend itself — it ends its occupation.

Conclusion: Dalal Mughrabi and the Question That Remains

Dalal Mughrabi was not seeking glory. She was the daughter of a people who had been displaced, bombarded, and silenced — and she chose a path caused by the violence and suffering of her era.

Today, decades later, the same question remains:

Why are the occupied people labeled “terrorists,” while the occupier is allowed to commit crimes with impunity?

History, law, and memory all point to one truth:

The occupation is the cause of violence — everything else is its consequence.

A Final Note

I’m always open to giving talks, lectures, or seminars for anyone who genuinely wants to understand the culture, politics, and lived history of the Levant. And if there’s a topic I can’t cover myself, I’m more than happy to bring in people who were part of the history — people with real knowledge, real experience, and real memory.

If you want the truth, start with the people who lived it.

Taghrid Al-Mawed. Writing from Wales, but with my soul in Palestine.

Share widely — but please credit my writing

I recorded this video two years ago because I realised this history was being forgotten, not only by non-Arabs but even by many Arabs, including Palestinians and Lebanese. It is rarely mentioned in Lebanon’s history books, and some officials try to hide it. Only recently have a few clips begun circulating, but these events have been documented for decades.

I recorded this video to document the Hiram massacre, one of the earliest attacks on Lebanon by European Jewish Zionists, and to share verified historical information.

My video includes some of the details; however, in the article, I will provide more information on Operation Hiram, carried out between 28 and 31 October 1948, when European jewish zionist military forces launched a large‑scale assault on the Upper Galilee and across the Lebanese border. The operation resulted in the killing of hundreds of Palestinian civilians, the depopulation of more than a dozen villages, and documented massacres in places such as:

• Hula (South Lebanon) – where dozens of civilians were executed after surrendering

• Salha – where more than 80 Palestinian civilians were killed inside the mosque

• Aitaroun – where civilians were killed, and the village was emptied

• Malkiyeh, Sasa’, Tarbikha, Nabi Yusha’, and others – depopulated through force

Historical records confirm that during the Hiram operation, European Jewish Zionist terrorists crossed into South Lebanon and carried out the Hula massacre, where between 35 and 58 Lebanese civilians were executed after being taken prisoner. This is the only fully documented Lebanese casualty figure available in the historical record. Other Lebanese villages, such as Aitaroun and Malkiyeh, were attacked, but the exact number of Lebanese civilians killed there has not been fully recorded in available sources.

These attacks extended into Lebanese territory years before Hezbollah existed, at a time when Lebanese civilians had no armed protection.

📜 Timeline of the Attacks on Lebanon During Operation Hiram

27–28 October 1948 — Pre‑Operation Movements

The zionist forces begin mobilising toward the Upper Galilee. Border villages in South Lebanon observe unusual terrorist movements and shelling near the frontier.

28 October 1948 — Operation Hiram Begins

A large‑scale assault is launched on Palestinian villages in the Upper Galilee. Fighting pushes northward toward the Lebanese border.

29 October 1948 — First Cross‑Border Incursions

Israeli units cross into South Lebanon for the first time during the operation. Aitaroun and the surrounding areas come under attack. Lebanese civilians flee; casualty numbers for this day are not fully recorded.

30 October 1948 — Expansion of Attacks

Zionist forces advance deeper into Lebanon. Malkiyeh village is attacked and depopulated. Lebanese civilians are displaced.

31 October 1948 — Hula Massacre Begins

Israeli forces enter Hula, a Lebanese village just across the border. Dozens of Lebanese men are detained after surrendering. Executions begin inside homes and storage buildings.

1 November 1948 — Hula Massacre Continues

Killings continue into the next day. Historical accounts document between 35 and 58 Lebanese civilians executed — the only fully confirmed Lebanese casualty figure for Operation Hiram.

Early November 1948 — Withdrawal

The zionist forces withdrew back into the occupied Palestine after securing the Upper Galilee. Lebanese villages remain depopulated or partially destroyed. Survivors report horrific stories of executions, forced displacement, and property destruction, as they did to Palestinian villages.

Under international law, many of the actions carried out during and after the massacre of Hiram have been documented by historians, human rights organisations, and United Nations bodies as violations of international humanitarian law. These include the murder of civilians, the destruction and depopulation of villages, and cross‑border attacks into Lebanon, typical terrorist acts that they have committed not long after committing the ongoing Nakba. Such acts fall under the prohibitions in the Fourth Geneva Convention, including:

•(Article 33) the prohibition of collective punishment

• (Article 49) the prohibition of forcible transfer or deportation of protected civilians

• (Articles 27–32) the obligation to protect civilians during military operations

- Multiple United Nations reports and historical records describe these events as grave breaches of international humanitarian law committed against people. These documented violations form part of the long historical record and continue to raise questions of accountability of the zionist entity’s crimes, justice, and the rights of displaced Palestinian in the diaspora and the occupied Palestine and Lebanese civilians.

One of the Lebanese resistance groups, called Hezbollah, emerged later, in a context when Lebanese in South Lebanon were facing repeated attacks, killings, and displacement. International law recognises the right of peoples under occupation to self‑defence, including Article 51 of the UN Charter, which affirms the right of self‑defence when a people are under armed attack by terrorists, such as the zionist entity.

What shocked me most was that the resistance I faced did not come only from outside. It also came from people I expected to stand with me. Women and men — including some who were close to me or had worked with me — chose rivalry over solidarity. Some felt threatened. After all, I was doing better than they were, because I lived the history of some of these massacres, and others even took my ideas as their own. I saw this behaviour from parts of the left as well, which was painful because I believed we shared the same values. This is why I now say: it is not “left versus right” — it is truth versus propaganda. I hope these people think about our future, our children’s future, and choose to be genuine.

We must work as a unified team, free from any affiliations that do not serve the public interest. We must act as one group with one clear adversary, and each of us contributes in their own way and through their own method. There is no “right” or “wrong” path — each person plays their role in their own way.

If this video had not been repeatedly restricted or removed on social media — and if some people had not opposed me — perhaps this history would be more widely known. My message is simple: we must work as a team to preserve our history and protect the truth. Your support in sharing this video is greatly appreciated.

Final note

I’m always open to giving talks, lectures, or seminars for anyone who genuinely wants to understand the culture, politics, and lived history of the Levant. And if there’s a topic I can’t cover myself, I’m more than happy to bring in people who were part of the history — people with real knowledge, real experience, and real memory.

If you want the truth, start with the people who lived it.

Your contribution to my work and support in keeping me going would be greatly appreciated.

Taghrid Al-Mawed. Writing from Wales, but with my soul in Palestine

Share widely — but please credit my writing

Today, on Vittorio Arrigoni’s memorial, I remember a man whose time in Palestine exposed the failures of those who should have stood with us long before he did.

Vittorio was not Palestinian, not Arab, not Muslim — yet he carried our struggle with a clarity and courage that many leaders in our region abandoned. He did what entire governments, authorities, and institutions refused to do: he showed up, he stood firm, and he paid the price with his life.

His murder at the hands of a Western fringe extremist Muslim group was a devastating loss. But the deeper tragedy is that he was forced to fill a void created by political systems that collapsed under pressure, corruption, or fear. While Arab and Muslim leaders normalized silence, and while Palestinian authorities fragmented themselves into paralysis, Vittorio crossed borders to defend a people who were not his own.

He became a legend because he lived the meaning of solidarity — not as a slogan, but as a commitment.

He understood that Gaza’s isolation was engineered, that extremism grows in the cracks left by occupation and political abandonment, and that standing with the oppressed is a moral position, not a diplomatic calculation.

Vittorio Arrigoni was a big loss — not only because of the brutality of his death, but because he represented the kind of courage our region desperately needed and rarely received from its own leaders.

Hats off to him. Honor his memory.

And may we all learn from the way he chose to “stay human.”

Lebanon Is Not Just a war zone… It Is the Heart of a Shifting Conflict

Lebanon is often presented as a small, weak country — a mere space where major powers clash. But this portrayal hides a deeper truth: Lebanon is not just a War zone, but an active player in a long confrontation whose forms continue to evolve. What is happening today is not a simple drift toward normalization with the zionist entity, but a turning point in the trajectory of the struggle.

The battle has not stopped, and it will not end. It has simply begun in a different form.

🔥 Why I Cannot Describe What Is Happening as “Normalization.”

What we see today is unfolding amid ongoing military escalation, coercive political negotiations, and choking humanitarian conditions.

These are not the conditions of “peace,” but the conditions of the zionist entity trying to survive after unprecedented losses — losses that broke its pride and exposed its vulnerabilities after the shifts triggered by Gaza, Yemen, and then Iran.

A Structural Shift, Not an Isolated Moment

What is happening cannot be read as an isolated event, but as part of a structural transformation in the nature of the zionist entity’s aggression.

The equation that has governed Lebanon since 2006 — the equation of asymmetric deterrence — is being transformed. Not because Lebanon suddenly became conventionally stronger, but because the other side has lost part of its ability to impose its terms.

This change is not the result of Lebanese decisions alone, but of overlapping regional factors:

• The Gaza war

• The expansion of confrontation fronts

• the change in global public opinion

• The declining ability of major powers to control the region

🤝 The Handshake… A Moment That Shocked the Lebanese

The image of the Lebanese ambassador shaking hands with the zionist entity representative in the United States was shocking.

Many felt that this was the end — that Lebanon had slipped into a point of no return.

But this moment, despite its symbolism, does not reflect the reality of the situation.

Symbols Do Not Create Political Reality

Political symbols do not always reflect reality — they are often used to manufacture it.

The handshake, despite its emotional impact, does not signal a strategic change in Lebanon’s position. It is an attempt to create the illusion that “the conflict is over.”

But political reality is not made in photographs.

It is made in the south — not in Washington.

The Ethical Contradiction

You cannot shake the hand of an enemy while his other hand is still on the trigger, firing at your own people.

A handshake does not erase a bullet, nor does it transform an aggressor into a partner.

As long as violence continues, any image presented as “peace” is nothing more than an attempt to beautify an ongoing reality.

Lebanon, despite its weaknesses, is not a state without weight. Every internal actor is tied to an external axis — and this interconnectedness places Lebanon inside global power balances, not on their margins.

♟️ Lebanon as a Chessboard… But Not in the Way Many Think

The conflict in Lebanon is not only internal; it is the intersection of international projects.

Some powers support Lebanese factions for strategic reasons, while others intervene for influence or interests.

But there are also states — such as Iran — whose involvement is not pushed by economic domination, but by supporting groups they view as targeted or oppressed.

This support is not “greed,” but a mutual protection pact:

• It shields the weaker party from being crushed.

• and shields the supporter from isolation

In this sense, Lebanon is not only exploited — it is protected in ways other states are not.

🛑 Why This Phase Is Different

For the first time in decades, Lebanon cannot be described as weak in the face of absolute power.

The zionist entity itself is in a position of vulnerability due to what happened in Gaza and the actions of regional actors.

The equation has changed dramatically:

• settlers are living in fear and displacement

• The image of “absolute superiority” has eroded.

• Global awareness has shifted.

• Old narratives no longer convince anyone.

Indicators That Cannot Be Ignored

Since October 7, the occupation

has witnessed the largest internal displacement in its history, with tens of thousands leaving northern and southern settlements.

This is not a detail — it is a sign of a shifting deterrence balance.

Meanwhile, global speech has changed:

• “war crimes”

• “possible genocide”

• “collective punishment”

These terms now appear in UN reports, human rights organizations, and major newspapers like The Guardian and The New York Times.

Today’s moment is not about normalization—it is about a fundamental reconfiguration of power.

📜 History Is Clear: Every Attempt at Imposed “Settlement” Has Failed

Lebanon’s history with negotiations and agreements shows that every proposal was an attempt to impose a new reality — not a genuine settlement.

• The 1949 armistice was fragile and changed nothing.

• The 1983 May 17 Agreement fell apart within months because it did not reflect the will of the Lebanese people.

• The 2020–2022 maritime border deal was technical, not political.

Why They Always Fail

The May 17 Agreement collapsed not only because of public rejection in Lebanon, but also because the balance of power on the ground shifted after the zionist entity withdrew from the mountains.

Any settlement that does not align with military and social realities is doomed to fail — no matter how strongly it is backed internationally.

🌍 The Battle Continues… But With a New Global Awareness

Even as Lebanon faces destruction and death, global awareness has changed.

Narratives once presented as unquestionable truths are now read as political myths — including the myth of a “chosen people” whose violence is beyond accountability.

Lebanon today is not only stronger militarily, but symbolically and politically.

The narrative has changed.

The other side is no longer the sole aggressor; it is now on the defensive.

And global public opinion has shifted, reshaping the confrontation.

The Project of “Greater Israel” Has Not Disappeared

The idea of “Greater israel” is still alive in political discourse inside occupied Palestine — through settlement expansion and rhetoric advocating full territorial control.

This alone exposes the contradiction in presenting today’s moment as “peace.”

A project built on expansion cannot, at the same time, be a project of existence.

🔵 Conclusion

They tried to make this moment look like the end — as if Lebanon had reached a point of no return.

But what this story forgets is memory.

We remember — as Palestinians and Lebanese — all the previous moments when we were told “this is the end,” that the Zionist project had succeeded, that the balance of power was permanently settled.

But every one of those moments collapsed.

From the 1949 armistice to the 1983 May 17 Agreement, to every attempt to impose settlements on Lebanon and Palestine — each was presented as a “final solution.”

And each one failed.

Today, they repeat the same script.

But we know — from experience, from history, from memory — that what is presented as an ending is merely a new chapter in a struggle that has never been resolved.

What is happening today is not the end of the ongoing aggression of the occupation.

It is the end of the illusion that you can control it.

And the transformation underway is not a conclusion — it is the beginning of a new phase in which the equation is rewritten, the limits of power are tested, and people reclaim their role in shaping their own destiny.

Taghrid Al-Mawed. Writing from Wales, but with my soul in Palestine.

Share widely — but please credit my writing

Maghdoushe: Faith Watches Over the Exiled

Maghdoushe: Faith Watches Over the Exiled

Taghrid Al-Mawed

24/12/2025

During my visit to my neighbourhood in the Ain al‑Hilweh camp in southern Lebanon shortly after it had been bombed while youth were playing football, and while I was providing support and solidarity to family and friends, I came here to Maghdoushe.

You can see the images and videos I took. Mary holds a deep place in my heart; she was born in my village, Safhuriyya, and I have always felt that her presence watches over the camp and its people until the day we can finally return home.

According to tradition, Jesus Christ came to this very place to accompany His mother and those with her on their way back to Nazareth. This is what gives the site its profound and meaningful sanctity, as it is seen as a spiritual meeting point, filled with faith and hope between mother and son.

Maghdoushe, with its deep-rooted history and unique spirituality, is an actual meeting point of faith and heritage. The site is not only known for the famous statue of the Virgin Mary rising above its hills, but also for the miraculous grotto where, according to tradition, the Virgin Mary waited for Jesus while He preached in the region of Sidon. From its elevated position, it overlooks the Ain al‑Hilweh refugee camp and stands as a guardian watching over it, until its people can one day return home, especially those whose families came from Safhuriyya, the village where she herself was born.

Since 1721, the people of Maghdoushe have preserved this heritage, transforming the grotto into a place of prayer, reflection, and spiritual refuge for locals and visitors alike. Over time, it became known as “Our Lady of Mantara,” a name engraved at its entrance, standing as a witness to devotion and faith for centuries.

Visiting Maghdoushe, looking out toward Ain al‑Hilweh camp and Sidon city, I felt the rich history and the resistance of those who are gone. The people of this region once came together against every invading force that tried to break them, and that spirit still lives in us. As long as Mary watches over the hills and the camp below, we carry the certainty that one day, we will walk back to Saffuriyya not as exiles, but as those returning home.

Reference:

القيم المكانية في بلدتي مغدوشة - الثقافة الشعبية

folkculturebh.org/ar/index.php?issue=24&page=article&id=1249

مغدوشة اللبنانية معالم تحاكي الحضارات الإنسانية والرسالات السماوية

www.alquds.co.uk/مغدوشة-اللبنانية-معالم-تحاكي-الحضارا/

مغدوشة - المعرفة

www.marefa.org/مغدوشة

It’s always the same pattern with these Zionist‑aligned individuals or groups, and today it is about Lebanese Christian extremists:

They shout slogans, repeat propaganda, and the moment you ask them about the actual history of their own militias, they suddenly develop amnesia.

I’ve been in this argument before.

I politely asked one of them for any information about the origins of his beloved parties.

He couldn’t. Not a single date, not a single event, not even the name of the militia founders.

Just hatred he inherited like an old family heirloom.

So I told him to hold on while I brought my notes — the same notes I am using while writing my book — and I walked him through the history he was never taught:

1. The Kataeb didn’t “form to defend Lebanon.” They militarised in the 1930s.

Founded in 1936 by Pierre Gemayel after exposure to European fascist movements, the Kataeb built a paramilitary structure long before Palestinians arrived in Lebanon in large numbers.

They proudly called themselves “the cousins of the French occupation.”

That’s their origin story — not “self‑defence.”

2. Their first clashes with Palestinians weren’t in 1975. They were in 1969.

The Phalangists attacked Palestinian camps before the Cairo Agreement.

This is documented by Lebanese historians, international observers, and even former members of Kataeb.

But of course, the people screaming at me online have never opened a history book.

3. Their collaboration with Israel didn’t start in 1982. It started in the early 1970s.

Training, weapons, funding — all documented in Israeli archives.

Kataeb leaders were coordinating with Israel long before the civil war officially began.

But somehow, in their fantasy version of history, Palestinians “started it.”

4. The first massacres of the civil war were committed by these militias.

The Ain el‑Rummaneh bus massacre (April 13, 1975) — carried out by Kataeb gunmen — is universally recognised as the spark of the Lebanese Civil War.

Palestinians didn’t attack first; they were ambushed.

But try telling that to someone raised on post‑war propaganda.

5. These same factions repeatedly invited foreign armies into Lebanon.

1958: Camille Chamoun invited U.S. Marines.
1982: The Gemayel government supported the Israeli invasion.
1982–83: They backed the U.S.-led Multinational Force.

But somehow we are the ones accused of “bringing outsiders.”

6. And the biggest lie of all: “Palestinians tried to take over Lebanon.”

No Palestinian faction ever held political power.

We were refugees — stateless, rightless, and unarmed for most of our early years in Lebanon.

The “takeover” myth was invented to justify the massacres that followed.

And if you want to talk about massacres, let’s talk about the other massacres committd by Christian militias they pretend never existed:

Lebanese Forces (LF)

Karantina (1976)
Tel al‑Za‘atar (1976)
Sabra and Shatila (1982)
Ethnic cleansing in East Beirut
Massacres of rival Christian factions (Safra 1980)

Tigers Militia

Karantina
Tel al‑Za‘atar
Attacks on Palestinian camps
Victims of the Safra massacre (1980)

Guardians of the Cedars

Openly called Palestinians “a cancer.”
Participated in Karantina and Tel al‑Za‘atar
Collaborated with Israel
Documented torture and executions

Marada Brigade

Sectarian killings in the north
Victims of the Ehden massacre (1978)
Retaliatory killings followed

These militias didn’t just kill Palestinians and Lebanese Muslims.

They massacred other Christians, too.

But the people attacking me online don’t know that — or pretend not to.

Impunity, Power, and the Architecture of Abuse

What strikes me most — whether I’m looking at the archives of the Lebanese Civil War or the recently unsealed Epstein files — is how familiar the pattern is.

Different countries, different decades, different crimes, but the same underlying architecture:

a network of people who believe they are untouchable.

This is not about an entire religion or community.

It’s about specific political movements, militias, and elite circles that operate with the same conviction:

• that their ideology places them above morality

• that their status shields them from accountability

• that violence, exploitation, or abuse are justified if they serve “the cause”

• that the rules binding ordinary people simply don’t apply to them

It’s the same mindset I see in the militias whose history I’ve been writing about:

• the belief that brutality is a right

• that civilians are expendable

• that their enemies are less than human

• that their political identity grants them immunity

And it’s the same mindset exposed in the Epstein files — a network of powerful individuals who operated in the shadows, protected by influence, money, and silence.

Different crimes, different victims, different contexts — but the same logic of impunity.

When people attack me today with the same dehumanising language their militias used in the 1970s and 80s, it becomes painfully clear that this mindset didn’t disappear.

It simply evolved.

It found new platforms, new excuses, new targets.

This is why historical memory matters.

Because when perpetrators — whether militias or elites — are never held accountable, the pattern repeats.

The violence repeats.

The dehumanisation repeats.

The belief in superiority repeats.

And the victims are always expected to stay silent, to accept it, to “move on.”

But we don’t move on.

We remember.

We document.

We speak.

And we refuse to let the archives be buried.

And then today, after I exposed this history again, I received messages glorifying rape, celebrating the slaughter of civilians, and calling for me and my mother to be raped.

The same language their militias used in the 1970s and 80s.

The same dehumanisation.

The same sickness.

It brought back memories I don’t take lightly.

A Final Note

I’m always open to giving talks, lectures, or seminars for anyone who genuinely wants to understand the culture, politics, and lived history of the Levant. And if there’s a topic I can’t cover myself, I’m more than happy to bring in people who were part of the history — people with real knowledge, real experience, and real memory.

If you want the truth, start with the people who lived it.

Your contribution to my work and support in keeping me going would be greatly appreciated.

Taghrid Al-Mawed. Writing from Wales, but with my soul in Palestine

Share widely — but please credit my writing

Barak, Oren. The Lebanese Army: A National Institution in a Divided Society. SUNY Press, 2009.
Cobban, Helena. The Palestinian Liberation Organisation. Cambridge University Press, 1984.
El-Khazen, Farid. The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon, 1967–1976. Harvard University Press, 2000.
Hanf, Theodor. Coexistence in Wartime Lebanon. I.B. Tauris, 1993.
Hirst, David. Beware of Small States. Faber & Faber, 2010.
Khalaf, Samir. Civil and Uncivil Violence in Lebanon. Columbia University Press, 2002.
Makdisi, Samir. The Lessons of Lebanon. I.B. Tauris, 2004.
Picard, Elizabeth. Lebanon: A Shattered Country. Holmes & Meier, 1996.
Sayigh, Yezid. Armed Struggle and the Search for State. Oxford University Press, 1997.
Traboulsi, Fawwaz. A History of Modern Lebanon. Pluto Press, 2007

As I promised, today I write about Palestinian women fighters — and it is finally time to speak about Leila Khaled, one of the most iconic and influential women in the history of modern resistance. Her story is not just political; it is deeply human, shaped by displacement, survival, and the unbroken will of a people who refuse to disappear.

✦ A Childhood Under Fire: The Making of a Revolutionary

Leila Khaled’s journey did not begin with global headlines.

It began when she was a child — four years old, or even younger — fleeing her home in Haifa during the 1948 Nakba. Her family, like tens of thousands of Palestinians, escaped under bombardment and armed attacks as Zionist militias advanced into Palestinian cities.

Multiple interviews, including her own testimony in Al Jazeera’s Witness documentary and in The Guardian, confirm that her family narrowly escaped death several times during their forced displacement.

A child who sees bombs falling around her, who watches her homeland being taken, who grows up in exile — how can the world expect her to remain silent later in life?

Her resistance was not born out of ideology.

It was born out of survival.

✦ The Right to Resist: What International Law Actually Says — While They Called Leila Khaled a Terrorist

When people rush to label Palestinians as “terrorists,” they ignore the most basic fact:

International law recognises the right of peoples under occupation to resist.

This is not an opinion.

It is written clearly in multiple United Nations resolutions:

• UNGA Resolution 37/43 (1982) affirms the right of peoples under foreign occupation to struggle “by all available means.”

• UNGA Resolution 3246 (1974) explicitly recognises the legitimacy of armed struggle against colonial domination.

• Article 51 of the UN Charter guarantees the inherent right of self-defence.

So when someone calls Leila Khaled a terrorist, they are erasing the legal and historical context:

a displaced person resisting a military occupation.

The truth is simple:

If you start the violence, you cannot complain about the response.

✦ Leila Khaled: A Global Symbol of Defiance

Leila Khaled became internationally known after the 1969 hijacking of TWA Flight 840 — the first aeroplane hijacking ever carried out by a woman. But what the world often forgets is the extraordinary discipline, courage, and clarity of purpose she demonstrated throughout the operation.

The hijacking was not random.

It was not an act of chaos.

It was a political intervention in a world that refused to acknowledge Palestinian existence.

No passengers were harmed.

This is a documented fact across international reporting.

Khaled herself insisted that the goal was visibility, not bloodshed. She famously said she would never harm civilians — and she never did.

The plane was diverted to Damascus, where passengers were released safely. The only symbolic act was the explosion of the cockpit — after everyone had been evacuated — to make a statement about the erasure of Palestine.

A year later, in 1970, she participated in an attempted hijacking of an El Al flight as part of the Dawson’s Field operations.

Even then, her instructions were strict:

• No killing

• No unnecessary violence

• No harm to civilians

She underwent plastic surgery beforehand to alter her appearance — not out of vanity, but out of commitment. She trained rigorously. She accepted the possibility of death without hesitation, like so many other people from different backgrounds. She carried grenades with the pins removed, fully prepared to die rather than be captured, yet still refusing to harm passengers.

These are not the actions of someone driven solely by ideology.

These are the actions of someone shaped by exile, by loss, by a world that erased her people and left them with no platform to speak from.

Whether one agrees with the tactics or not, the reality is this:

Leila Khaled forced the world to acknowledge that Palestinians existed.

She became a symbol of a people demanding to be seen — a woman who refused to disappear, who refused to accept silence, who refused to let the world pretend her people did not exist.

Her strength was not in the weapon she carried.

Her strength was in her conviction.

Her discipline.

Her refusal to bow.

Her insistence that the world confront the truth it tried to bury.

She is one of the strongest women in modern history because she carried a cause the world tried to erase — and she carried it with unwavering clarity, courage, and dignity.

✦ A Personal Connection

I once met her niece, and it was a moment that touched me deeply.

As Palestinians, no matter where we are scattered across the world, we recognise each other instantly.

We carry the same stories, the same wounds, the same longing for home.

Meeting someone from Leila Khaled’s family reminded me that our heroes are not distant figures.

They are part of us.

They are our aunts, our cousins, our neighbours — our living history.

I hope one day I can meet Leila Khaled herself, before life separates us forever.

It would be an honour to look into the eyes of a woman who refused to bow to injustice.

✦ When I Was Attacked for Telling Our Story

When I shared a simple photo of a Palestinian woman — a symbol of our history — I was immediately attacked by the Zionist lobby here in Britain.

The harassment escalated quickly.

I received death threats, and the situation became so serious that the police came to my home to check whether it was safe enough for me to stay there. They inspected the house, the surroundings, and my security measures.

Even after that, the threats didn’t stop. Accusations, Harassment. They attempt to silence me.

This is not new; it is part of a long pattern of trying to erase Palestinian narratives.

But we will not be silent.

People often think activists are unbreakable.

But the truth is: I kept writing even when I was not safe.

I kept speaking even when I was terrified.

I kept standing even when I was exhausted.

And that is exactly why I need people to stand with me, to support, to amplify, to protect. I consider myself the spokesperson of the Palestinian diaspora, like any other activist.

✦ Why I Will Keep Telling Leila Khaled’s Story

For so many reasons, because:

• Palestinian women are not footnotes in history.

• Our resistance is rooted in survival, not hatred.

• The oppressor cannot kill, expel, and occupy — then demand that the victim remain silent.

• The world must understand the context before judging the reaction.

The Zionist narrative depends on portraying themselves as eternal victims, even while holding overwhelming military power.

But history is clear:

The violence began with the dispossession of Palestinians.

Image by Sebastian Baryli-Leila Khaled

✦ Conclusion: Strength in the Face of Fear

Leila Khaled is not just a historical figure.

She is me.

She is every Palestinian woman—and every woman worldwide—who refuses to disappear.

And just like her, I have faced threats meant to silence me.

Death threats.

Police visits.

False accusations.

Pressure to apologise for things I never did.

Situations I cannot fully explain because they are still unfolding.

But I am still here.

Still writing.

Still resisting.

Still refusing to be erased.

My strength does not come from being untouched by fear — it comes from continuing despite it.

Because every time they try to break me, they only prove how powerful my voice truly is.

And like Leila Khaled, I will not be silenced.

Taghrid Al-Mawed. Writing from Wales, but with my soul in Palestine.

Share widely — but please credit my writing

✦ Sources on Leila Khaled’s Childhood & Displacement

• 1. Al Jazeera – “Leila Khaled: Hijacker” (English Documentary)

• Includes her own narration of being expelled from Haifa as a child during the Nakba.
  https://www.aljazeera.com/program/witness/2019/9/5/leila-khaled-hijacker

• 2. The Guardian – Interview with Leila Khaled

• She speaks about her childhood, the Nakba, and how displacement shaped her life.
  https://www.theguardian.com/world/2001/sep/01/israel

• 3. Institute for Palestine Studies – Biography

• Provides historical context about her family’s expulsion from Haifa in 1948.
  https://www.palestine-studies.org/en/node/1650541

• 4. Palestine Remembered – Haifa (Historical Documentation)

• Documents the attacks and expulsions from Haifa during 1947–48.
  https://www.palestineremembered.com/Haifa/Haifa/index.html

• ✦ Sources on International Law & the Right to Resist

• 5. UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43 (1982)

• Affirms the right of peoples under colonial and foreign occupation to struggle “by all available means”.
  https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/39276

• 6. UN General Assembly Resolution 3246 (1974)

• Explicitly recognizes the legitimacy of armed struggle against colonial and foreign domination.
  https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/19354

• 7. UN Charter – Article 51

• Establishes the inherent right of self‑defense.
  https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text

• ✦ Sources on the Hijacking Operations

• 8. BBC News – “Leila Khaled: The first woman to hijack an airplane”

• Covers the 1969 TWA hijacking and the 1970 El Al attempt.
  https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-54106540

• 9. New York Times Archive – 1970 Hijacking Attempt

• Contemporary reporting on the El Al flight operation.
  https://www.nytimes.com/1970/09/07/archives/2d-el-al-hijack-try-foiled.html

• 10. Time Magazine Archive – Profile on Leila Khaled (1970)

• Provides historical context and details about the PFLP operations.
  https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,878060,00.html

• ✦ Additional Academic Sources

• 11. “Women and the Palestinian Liberation Movement” – Journal Article

• Discusses Leila Khaled’s role and the broader context of Palestinian women in resistance.
  https://www.jstor.org/stable/2535807

• 12. “The Palestinian National Movement” – Institute for Palestine Studies

• Provides historical background on the PFLP and the political environment of the 1960s–70s.
  https://www.palestine-studies.org/en/node/1650540

Play

Dear Professor Tom Pessah,

I appreciate your openness and courage in sharing your views. I understand where you’re coming from, and that’s why I continue urging people to engage with Jewish Zionists in occupied Palestine to enlighten and challenge them with truth, reality, and facts. Some are deeply indoctrinated, but even the brainwashed can be unbrainwashed.

I say this because many Jewish individuals today stand firmly with Palestine. Some have even left the so-called Israeli state and dream of returning to a free Palestine, from the river to the sea. I met several of them at the Anti-Zionist Jewish Conference in Vienna this summer. They were more pro-Palestine than the Palestinian Authority and even some Palestinians I’ve encountered here in the UK.

Your statement was powerful and brave a step toward genuine dialogue. I agreed with much of it until I reached the end of your video.

It’s not right to underestimate the gravity of what’s happening in occupied Palestine, nor the suffering of Palestinians in the diaspora and under occupation—past, present, and future.

So allow me to explain why my stance may seem radical. If you genuinely listen to how your words resonate with us- how they sound and feel- you might reconsider a few phrases. Your message could then serve both Palestinians and Israelis, not just the latter.

Too often, people speak on our behalf as if we don’t exist, as if we’re objects, not humans. We become projects for their ideologies, tools for their careers, or causes to gain followers. We are not cattle to be led. And when they propose “solutions,’’ they do so from their own lens, not ours.

Your video moved me; it felt like music, a song of truth and history. But at the 55-second mark, I was jolted by your use of the phrase “the current conflict.” It felt like a sucker punch. I’ve spent my life guarding against such mischaracterisations, yet there it was.

I replayed the video and paused at 51 seconds, when you said: “750,000 Palestinians were displaced, and many Israelis now live on their lands.” I must ask: where did you get that number? Was someone counting us one by one? No. Estimates range from 800,000 to 900,000, according to Mr Salah Salah

Mr Salah Salah and I

a Palestinian born in Palestine in 1936. That means you made 100,000 Palestinians worthless. We are not just numbers, but even numbers must be honoured.

You mentioned only the 1948 displacement. What about the Jaffa massacre of 1937? Let’s be clear: this didn’t start on October 7th or in 1948. It started long before.

Then, at 52 seconds, you said, “Israelis now.” That phrase cut deep like a blunt blade to the wrist. It reminded me of a lecture at Aberystwyth University, where I protested the omission of Palestinian victims: some were raped before they were murdered, some of them children, and other Palestinians were thrown alive into ovens. If you want to understand the horror, watch the Tantura documentary. (israeli veterans admit to 1948 massacre of Palestinian village, 2022)

Your phrasing made it sound like displacement was smooth, painless, as if Palestinian lives didn’t matter. You called them “Israelis,” while we call them members of a terrorist Zionist gang, Haganah. You said “now,” as if this hasn’t been ongoing for 78 years. We are the victims. What we’ve endured is not what you imagine. We see them not as neighbours, but as a savage enemy.

At 53 seconds, you said, “Israelis live on their land.” No. They occupy it. There’s a world of difference between “live” and “occupy.” Language matters. It shapes perception. And when people who claim to be pro-Palestine repeat such phrases, I call them white saviours or undercover zionists; they don’t know what they’re talking about.

Let’s be clear: they didn’t “live” on our land they stole our villages.

Back to 55 seconds: “Those are the roots of the current conflict.” No. This is not a conflict. It’s an occupation, it’s an ongoing genocide, it’s the ongoing Nakba. Let me help you rephrase: “Jewish Zionism is the root of the ongoing genocide.”

Your closing statement from 56 seconds to 1:05 suggests that “Israelis must recognise

that fact and allow the former residents to return and live together with them. That is the condition for reconciliation.”

With all due respect, this sounds like a joke. You want to resolve a century of war in nine seconds? Without apology? Without acknowledging the massacres?

Do you think millions of Nakba survivors, stateless, rightless, still living in camps, can forgive and forget? My father and family live in a camp in Lebanon, besieged by the Lebanese army. Others suffer in Syria. Meanwhile, Holocaust survivors have memorials, compensation, and global silence on their day of remembrance.

You want us to forgive those who committed atrocities against us without recognition, without justice?

You called us “former residents.” We are not former. We are the native people. We are the owners of the land. You want us to live with our murderers? That reminds me of a workshop in 2003 with a Norwegian group. They asked, “Can you live with Israelis?” I replied: “Can you live next to someone who took over your house, murdered your family, kicked you out of the house, and left you homeless for life?”

I don’t turn the other cheek. I don’t forget.

To those sharing the video and praising it, ask yourselves: Do you accept their conditions? Well, as a Palestinian living the pain and suffering from day one on earth, I will say that I do not accept their conditions, and I do not accept you even being pro-Palestine and speaking on my behalf. If you want to discuss Palestine, do not use a language that betrays us. We are the Palestinians. We are the ones who have been suffering for 100 years, not you. I have been inviting people to visit the Palestinian camps in Lebanon, to go and see what we endure, before you form your opinion; if not, sit down. Be quiet. Thank you

A Final Note

I’m always open to giving talks, lectures, or seminars for anyone who genuinely wants to understand the culture, politics, and lived history of the Levant. And if there’s a topic I can’t cover myself, I’m more than happy to bring in people who were part of the history, people with real knowledge, real experience, and real memory.

If you want the truth, start with the people who lived it.

Taghrid Al-Mawed. Writing from Wales, but with my soul in Palestine.

Share widely - but please credit my writing

👉http://buymeacoffee.com/.../theresa-halsa-a-woman-ahead...

https://ko-fi.com/.../Theresa-the-woman-who-shot...

👉 You can watch the full documentary “Tell Your Tale, Little Bird” on YouTube here:

The film features seven Palestinian women fighters from the 1970s, each recounting her journey from occupation to resistance, shaped by struggle, conviction, and transformation.

Built from 35 hours of direct interviews, the film distils these testimonies into 90 minutes of confident, unapologetic storytelling that restores women’s central place in the history of the Palestinian armed struggle.

It features the voices of Theresa Halsa, Widad Qamri, Rashida Abida, Rasmiya Odeh, Aisha Odeh, Amina Dabbour, among others. It explores the emotional memory of these women — how they thought, what they endured, and how their experiences became part of our collective political memory.

The film also highlights the active, not symbolic, presence of women in resistance and the role of oral history in preserving accounts that dominant discourses have long sought to erase.

I’m sharing this film because it opens a rare window onto a history that has too often been pushed to the margins.

In the coming days, I will write about each fighter individually, and later turn to the martyr‑fighters and the questions their stories leave in the Palestinian consciousness.

Last year, I recorded a video about the decision to impose the death penalty on Palestinians, and I commented on the response of Mahmoud Abbas, who emerged to say that “the Israeli mindset is becoming fascist.”

That statement has followed me ever since. Not because it was shocking, but because it was empty—detached from any real meaning, as if spoken by someone living outside the political reality of his own people.

But what pushed me to write now, specifically, is that the Knesset has officially approved the decision.

With that vote, we entered a new stage—one that forces us to revisit what has passed and what is coming.

The moment the decision was ratified, everything I had postponed erupted at once: anger, memory, and a need to break the silence.

I realised that the videos I deleted, the posts I hesitated to share, and the thoughts I kept delaying… all needed to be written clearly and without hesitation.

I return to this subject today to clarify one thing: what happened is not a new trajectory. It is a blunt declaration of the continuation of a long-standing system of violence, despite the official narrative trying to frame it as a sudden shift.

1. Execution Is Not New to Us

The shock surrounding the “death penalty” suggests that Palestinians have not been killed before.

As if we were never targeted by bullets, never bombed, never starved, never tortured.

As if this were not a policy embedded in the very beginning of the colonial project, but a “dangerous development” that appeared overnight.

This kind of discourse erases the true context of violence.

It turns a long history of systematic killing into a “breaking news story,” when in reality it is a policy that simply renews its methods.

But we are not breaking news.

We are a people who have lived every form of execution long before it was written into any law.

2. Zionism and Fascism: Born of the Same Root

When Abbas speaks of an “incline toward fascism,” he ignores that Zionism emerged from the same European environment that produced fascism.

Both are projects built on exclusion, supremacy, violence as a political tool, and the reshaping of land and people according to a single colonial imagination.

Separating the two is not political analysis—it is an unearned absolution.

3. The Illusion of the Two‑State Solution

Speaking of the two‑state solution, today it is not a solution at all—it is an attempt to resuscitate a political illusion that serves only the official narrative, while the reality is that the roots of the problem run far deeper than any superficial proposal.

Israel is not a “normal state” drifting toward fascism.

It is an occupying power from the very first moment, built on the negation of our existence.

Pretending there is a “realistic solution” is a deliberate refusal to acknowledge reality, history, geography, and blood.

A Necessary Reminder: 1937 Before 1948

The first massacre against Palestinians did not happen in 1948.

It happened in 1937, during the Great Palestinian Revolt.

Before the establishment of the so‑called state, and before all the excuses used today to justify violence.

This date is not a footnote.

It proves that violence was not an exception, nor a reaction—it was the foundation itself.

Why Do I Delete Videos Sometimes?

Sometimes I don’t publish my videos simply because I don’t have the time to edit them.

Sometimes the media blackout makes me feel that my voice won’t reach people the way it should, no matter how hard I try.

And exhaustion weighs on memory—and Palestinian memory is not just storytelling; it is a daily burden.

Still, the voice that gets deleted always returns stronger.

Conclusion: Between Anger and Writing

This article is not a response to Abbas.

It is not merely a reaction or an analysis—it is an attempt to reclaim responsibility over the narrative, and a refusal to allow memory to be erased or violence to be justified under the guise of political shifts.

I write because I refuse to let our history be reduced to hollow statements.

I write because I know the truth does not die—even when we delay saying it.

And I write because the Palestinian voice, no matter how much they try to silence it, always finds its way back.

This article… is my way of returning.