Jean Poulain was born on April 22, 1845, in the commune of Écouflant, in the department of Maine-et-Loire, France, near the city of Angers. He was the son of Honoré Poulain and Marie Goujon, of Écouflant.[1]

A Papal Zouave, 1863–1870

At the age of eighteen, Poulain traveled to Rome to enlist in the Papal Zouaves, an international unit of Catholic soldiers who came from across Christendom to defend the Papal States and Blessed Pope Pius IX against Italian revolutionaries and Piedmontese forces during the Italian Risorgimento.

According to the unit’s matricule (registration no. 1372), he enlisted as a Papal Zouave on October 29, 1863, was promoted to corporal on February 6, 1866, and to sergeant on January 1, 1867. He took part in the 1867 defensive campaign against Garibaldi and his Red Shirt Army, and he served through the Siege of Rome in 1870, when the city fell to the forces of the Kingdom of Italy, ending the Papal States’ temporal rule.[2] According to his later American obituaries, he was slightly wounded during the fall of Rome.[3][4]

For his service to the Church, he received two papal decorations. From Blessed Pope Pius IX, for participating in the 1867 campaign in which the Papal army defeated Garibaldi and his Red Shirt Army, he received the Fidei et Virtuti medal. The medal is also nicknamed the Mentana Cross, named after the final battle in which Garibaldi was decisively defeated. This victory allowed the Papal States to survive another 3 years. In 1892, on the 25th anniversary of the Battle of Mentana, Pope Leo XIII awarded all the surviving Papal Zouaves, including Poulain, the Benemerenti medal (Good conduct medal) to honor the remaining veterans for their loyal service and defense of the Holy See.[4][5][6]

In His Own Words: An Interview with an Old Papal Zouave

Over fifteen years later, on May 28, 1887, by then a resident of Washington, D.C., Poulain des Garennes gave an extensive interview to a reporter of the Washington Star, recalling his service in vivid detail, the organization, uniforms, and dangers of the Papal army, and a remarkable memory of a fellow soldier in his own company: John Surratt, who had been implicated in the conspiracy to assassinate President Lincoln. The interview is reproduced here in full, as it stood in the original publication, since it is the fullest firsthand account of this period of his life:[7]

GUARDING THE POPE.

The Army that Once Defended the Old Papal States.

TALK WITH AN OLD PAPAL ZOUAVE—ONLY A REMNANT OF THE ARMY NOW RETAINED—THE PERILS OF A ZOUAVE’S LIFE IN THE REVOLUTIONARY TIME—JOHN H. SURRATT AS A ZOUAVE.

“The soldiers of the Papal army had to do some hard fighting.” The speaker is a gentleman now residing in this city, who was once a Papal Zouave, and he was answering a sweeping inquiry by a Star reporter for information about the soldiers that guard the pope. “At one time,” he went on, “the zouaves, 800 in number, withstood for a long time at one of the villages of the Papal states 30,000 Italian troops, and yielded the place then only on terms most honorable to them. They were permitted to leave the place bearing their arms. I remember seeing a zouave, struck by a cannon ball in such a way that he was disemboweled and whirled against a wall, drag himself to a gun that was near, and fire it.

At the present time though, there is an army only in name. After the Franco-Prussian war broke out, when France’s protection was withdrawn from the Papal states, and the Italians took possession, the Papal army was disbanded, the Guardia Nobili and the Swiss Guard only being retained in service.

THE GORGEOUS NOBLE GUARD.

“The Guardia Nobili,” continued the ex-zouave, “is composed entirely of Italian noblemen. There are one hundred of them, and they all rank as officers. Twenty-five are on duty at a time. They attend the pope as a body guard. On occasions of great ceremony all of the hundred may turn out. They are drilled as cavalry, and present a splendid appearance. When in undress uniform they wear blue coats of the swallow-tail pattern. Their full-dress uniform coats are red, with gold trimmings. They wear helmets, with horse-hair plumes; white trousers, very tight, with high-top boots, of patent leather, and make a very elegant and soldierly appearance. Their horses are all white. These gorgeous guards surround the pope’s coach on the street and his chair at St. Peter’s.

“The Swiss Guards guard the avenues to the church. They are all men six feet high or over. The regiment, though called Swiss, is made up of Italians, French, Germans, and men of other nationalities. The Swiss Guard is a very ancient institution, and, I suppose, was originally recruited in Switzerland.”

THE DISBANDED ARMY.

“When I was a Papal zouave, besides the Guardia Nobili and the Swiss Guard there were a regiment of Swiss riflemen, two battalions of zouaves, numbering 1,800 men, two batteries of artillery, 600 mounted gens d’armes, and a regiment of Italian carabineers, besides two regiments of the foreign legion of the French army, sent there by Napoleon III, but withdrawn during the Franco-Prussian war. This foreign legion was officered by France and supported by France, and performed no police, vidette or scout duty. It was maintained there by Napoleon as a menace to Italy.

WITH TRUNK HOSE AND HALBERDS.

“These Swiss Guards wore an old-fashioned Swiss uniform, the national costume of old Switzerland. The shoes were black, and cut low, the stockings, reaching to the thigh, were striped lengthwise, with black and yellow stripes; the short breeches, or trunks, were similarly striped; the tunic also was black and yellow in stripes. The helmet was of silver, and the Guardsman wore gauntlets, and was armed with a short sword with a black hilt, and a halberd, or axe, on the end of a long pole.

“The Swiss riflemen were, as their name implies, Swiss. They were all men of small stature, and were uniformed like the light infantry of the French line, with dark blue tunic, light blue zouave pants; white gaiters, facings white and green, and regulation French infantry caps. They carried rifles with sword bayonets.”

THE ZOUAVES.

“The Papal zouaves, to which I belonged, were recruited in Ireland in 1860, and were composed then entirely of Irishmen. They went to Rome during the troubles with Garibaldi, and remained there, but the organization lost its distinctive Irish character and became cosmopolitan—men of every nationality being found in the ranks, from the black African to the Caucasian American. I remember one from Alabama, one from Missouri, and another from Louisiana. As the Irishmen were gradually eliminated by the expiration of their terms, or by death or casualties, the ranks were filled up, largely by gentlemen of means, and it became the corps d’elite, being much respected. There were very few members of the organization who did not wear decorations. To be a member of the organization gave one entree to society. The uniform of the private or enlisted man was of light gray, faced with orange. The fatigue cap was of the French pattern; his dress cap a low fur cap like that worn in the Russian army. He carried an Enfield rifle with a sword bayonet. The officers wore a uniform of sky-blue, trimmed with black, and high-top patent-leather boots.

“The Italian carabineers had a uniform consisting of a dark blue coat of the pigeon-tail pattern, and red pants with dark blue stripe, and were armed with rifles and sword bayonets. The gens d’armes, like the French, wore a dark blue dress coat, wide pants of light blue with dark blue stripe, drawn tight over the shoe, aigrettes of white, and a chapeau. The facings were white. They were armed with sabers and carbines. The artillery uniform consisted of an artillery jacket, and pants of dark blue. The officers’ uniform had gold facings. The commander-in-chief was nominally the minister of war. Each regiment had a colonel. The zouaves, formed in two battalions, had a colonel and a lieutenant-colonel.

The colonel of the zouaves was the actual commander-in-chief in the field. Col. de Charette, of the zouaves, was a member of an old French family. At the breaking out of the Franco-Prussian war all the foreign legion and those of the zouaves of French nationality or proclivities entered the French army, under the command of Col. de Charette and his Lieut. Col. d’Allet, and they covered themselves with glory.

Just after the disbanding of the Piedmontese army, the papal states were scoured by armed bodies of men who called themselves brigands. It was against these that our troops operated.

HOW ZOUAVES WERE ASSASSINATED.

“The life of a zouave was always in peril, even in the city of Rome,” he went on. “They were marked by the revolutionists, disliked because they were foreigners and feared because they could not be corrupted. The revolutionists were afraid to kill a soldier of the French legion for they knew they would invite the vengeance of France. They always said they could buy the Italian troops, but the only thing to do to a Zouave was to kill him. How did they do it? Well, a zouave would be walking along the street. Some one would tap him on the shoulder and say, ‘a light please,’ or ask the time of day, and as the unlucky Zouave turned his head a stiletto would be plunged over his shoulder down near his collar bone, into his heart. These stilettos had blades half of glass, and the glass would break off and remain in the man’s heart. He would be killed instantly without making an outcry. The loose, open collar, exposing all the throat, worn by the zouaves was a sort of invitation to an attack of this kind. These street assassinations were very frequent. We used to have a funeral nearly every day. Finally, orders were given us that if any man approached us to ask for a light or the time of day to draw our sword bayonets, and stand him off before answering him.”

JOHN H. SURRATT AS A ZOUAVE.

“John H. Surratt, who was charged with complicity in the conspiracy to assassinate President Lincoln, when he escaped from the United States, went to Rome and became a Papal zouave. He was a member of the company to which I belonged, the second company of the second battalion. When it was decided by the papal authorities to give him up to the United States Government, preparations were made for that purpose and meanwhile he was incarcerated in the castle of St. Angelo, the tomb of Hadrian. During the night he was lowered over the wall by two friends of his, Capt. Boisjolli, a French officer of the zouaves, and First Sergeant Thornton, of Toronto. They tied their long scarfs together and let Surratt down with them. He escaped to Alexandria and was there turned over to the United States authorities by the Turkish government.”

Though the newspaper does not name the interviewee, the timeline and the recurring biographical details make it virtually certain this unnamed “gentleman now residing in this city” was Poulain des Garennes himself.

Soldier of France: The Volunteers of the West, 1870–1871

After the fall of Rome on September 20, 1870, under abysmal and painful conditions, the foreign Papal Zouaves were slowly repatriated to their native countries. With the Franco-Prussian war ongoing the majority of the French Papal Zouaves decided to continue their service under the banner of France. Under the leadership of Athanase de Charette (the great nephew of Vendean leader François de Charette) the unit was rebranded as the Volunteers of the West and they continued the lineage of the unit, retaining the same uniforms and patrimony.

Read more

Portrait of the Commander of the Carlist Zouaves, Commander Colonel Ignace Wills

The Following article was originally published in The Catholic Telegraph on September 11, 1873, during the Third Carlist War. A conflict in Spain, a conflict that drew many veterans of the Papal Zouaves to the Carlist cause. Prince Alfonso Carlos de Bourbon, himself a former Papal Zouave, commanded a force with many veterans of the unit, especially from Spain and the Netherlands. For these men, the Carlist War was not a foreign adventure but a natural continuation of the same sacred struggle, the same counter-revolutionary cause against the same anti-Catholic forces that had driven them to Rome in the first place.

The subject of this article is Ignace Wills, born in Ravenstein, Netherlands on January 11, 1849. He enlisted in the Papal Zouaves on October 14, 1865 at the age of sixteen, rising to corporal by November 1866 and sergeant by August 1867. He distinguished himself at the Battle of Mentana in 1867, earning the Fidei et Virtuti medal for his courage. Discharged by ministerial order in October 1869, he was subsequently authorized to join the army of Don Carlos in Spain, where he was taken prisoner and interned in France. Undeterred, he went on to serve in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71 under Marshal Bazaine at Metz, where he was appointed Sub-Lieutenant for distinguished actions in the field. Captured again as a prisoner of war at Metz, he escaped and returned to France, where he was appointed Captain of the Mounted Scouts at the camp of La Rochelle. After the campaign he returned to Holland, but when the Carlist insurrection resumed in 1873–74, he once again answered the call, re-enlisting and being elevated to the rank of Colonel in command of the Carlist Zouave Battalion. He fell on July 19, 1873, killed at the top of a barricade, holding in his hand the banner of the Immaculate Conception, at the taking of Igualada, Spain.

Heroic Death of an ex-Papal Zouave.

The following narrative by a correspondent of a French journal records the death of the commander of the Zouaves serving under Don Alfonso, brother of Don Carlos, in Catalonia:

“I am sorry to have to announce to you the death of young Wills, a Dutchman, and formerly a Papal Zouave, who was well known and beloved by everyone in Rome. A worthy soldier of the Faith, his death has been as noble as his life; as virtuous as he was brave, he died like a hero at the head of Saballs’ Zouaves, whom he commanded. It is just a year now since he entered Spain; during a portion of that time he accompanied the gallant General Castells, whence he passed under the command of Saballs. He was always found in the front, cheerful, easy-going, and unwearied, and his devotion to the cause claimed the admiration of his brothers-in-arms in every difficulty. He often appeared on horseback, and alone, in the villages occupied by the enemy’s troops, and then, with extraordinary coolness, he gathered all the necessary information. All the duties of a staff officer were fulfilled by him with remarkable intelligence, so that the most delicate or dangerous missions were alike safely confided to him. He was a true specimen of his Dutchmen, whom everyone saw at Rome, and who were firm in their faith and brave beyond all praise. May heaven bless the land that produces such children. At the battle of Alpens, which was won by the Carlists, and where the Republican chief, Cabrinety, lost his life, our friend Wills took up his position on a small eminence to obtain a better view of the conflict. But seeing that the Zouaves did not advance as quickly as he wished, he seized the standard of a battalion, and hurling it into the midst of

Read more

Cover of L. Gorissen & M. Rutten, Limburgse Soldaten voor Kerk en Paus (Soldiers of Limburg for Church and Pope), ), Kapellen-Tongeren, sd. (1994). Pictured: Herman Vandevenne, Lambert Rutten, Jan Brouns, Jaak Rutten, Mathiis Henckens, René Rutten

As early as 1970 I had published the 187 enrolments among the Papal Zouaves of Belgian Limburg[1], a study that has served as a basis until this day for quite a lot history circles that made use of it. Thus René Deckers in 1977 took up the zouaves of Kessenich, Kinrooi, Molenbeersel, Geistingen and Ophoven on the occasion of the meeting of the Hasselt section of Pro Petri Sede on 2 July at Geistingen[2]. Indeed, they grouped together above all the two great Zouave families of Geistingen: 3 “Rutten” and 5 “Henckens”. For quite a number of years their descendants Jan and Mathieu Rutten formed the leadership of the Hasselt section of Pro Petri Sede[3].

Corneille René Rutten at Geistingen

The best known was certainly Corneille René Rutten, who became a sub-lieutenant in the Papal Zouaves. As I have already described his time with the Zouaves and his activities after his return from Rome[4], I will limit myself to clarifying a few additional points, such as his enrolment in Rome. He was born on the farm “Hoezerhof” at Ophoven-Geistingen[5], on 22.2.1834, son of Jan Renier and Petronella Segers. As the second of ten children, he attended primary school and actively helped his parents on the farm, thus contributing to the cost of the studies of his brothers and sisters, including Martin-Hubert, who would go on to become Bishop of Liège (1902–1927). At the age of 17, he spent a year in Liège to learn French at the Jesuit college, rue Saint Gilles. Afterwards he returned to work on the farm. He supplemented “his education by reading books of ancient and modern history of which he was particularly fond”[6].

Engagement as Papal Zouave: 1863–1865

Sub-Lt. Corn. René Rutten (1834–1918). Portrait (late 1867?), copy of original photograph, MRAB, arch. L.Gorissen. With his dress uniform, MRAB, photo 14.1.2015, L.Gorissen

Finally he left for Liège to take the train to Brussels[7] where he signed his enrolment nr. 356 on 6.11.1863 as “Rutten René”, farmer residing at Ophoven, “for four years with a bonus of thirty Roman écus”. He presented his militia certificate, that of the parish priest and of the doctor. His description was: 1.64 m., dark hair and lashes, blue eyes, ordinary nose, medium mouth, round chin and oval face[8]. He left for Rome with 14 Belgians and 3 Dutch, including Adrien Looymans (a future officer like himself) and Jacques van Steen of Oudenbosch, to sign their engagement on the 12th, for only two years! His matricule states:

“No. 1392 / Rutten Cornelio / Ultimo domicilio Ophoven / Provincia Belgica / Professione cultivatore / Nato il 22 Febbraio 1832 a Ophoven / Provincia di Belgica / Figlio de Giov. Renato e di Petronilla Seegers / Altessa (height) 1 metro (sic) / Viso ovale (oval face) / Fronte scoperta (open forehead) / Occhi blu (blue eyes) / Naso medio (medium nose) / Bocca medio (medium mouth) / Mento tondo (round chin) / Capelli e soppracciglia castagno (chestnut hair and eyebrows) / Incorporato a contare del 12 Novembre 1863 (incorporated from 12.11.1863) / Ingaggiare volontare per anni due (volunteered for two years) / Giunta al corpa il 12 Novembre 1863 (entered the corps 12.11.1863) / Zuave de 2e cle le 12 Novembre 1863 / Caporale 2e Cl le 15 Novembre 1865 /”

Cavalieri delle Ordini di S Sylvestre / 4 D / Tempo finito le 12 Novembre 1867 (end of engagement 12.11.1867 – sic) / Congedare per tempo finito come caporale 2e Cl le 15 9br 1865 (discharged at end of term as 2nd class corporal on 15.11.1865)[9]. He served his time in the 4th Company. His first letter is dated 24.11.1863. Martin-Hubert Rutten published his letters in 159 pages through the St-Paul editions in Paris in 1949[10]. Thus one can easily follow René Rutten throughout his entire journey as a Papal Zouave! Let us simply note that he followed Italian language courses with a professor in Rome. After his two years he returned home on 18.11.1865.

Second Engagement: 1866–1870

After a year of work on the family farm “Hoezerhof,” he returned to Rome where he signed a new engagement on 22.12.1866:

Archivo di Stato di Roma, Matricola Zuavi Pontifici, nr. 3287 — Rutten Cornelio, born 22 February 1832

“No. 3287 / Rutten Cornelio / Last domicile: Ophoven / Province of Belgium / Profession: farmer / Born 22 February 1832 at Ophoven / Province of Belgium / Son of Giovanni and Petronilla / Height: 1 metre 98 centimetres / Oval face / Open forehead / Blue eyes / Medium nose / Medium mouth / Round chin / Chestnut hair and eyebrows / Natural complexion / Incorporated 22 December 1866 / Volunteered for two years / Joined the corps 22 December 1866 / 2nd class Zouave 22 October 1866 / Served at the Zouave Battalion, matricule 1392, from 12 November 1863 to 18 November 1865, and was discharged as a 2nd class corporal / 2nd class Corporal 16 April 1867 / 2nd class Sergeant-Fourrier 6 May 1867 / Sergeant-Major 31 October 1867 / Decorated with the Commemorative Medal Fidei et Virtuti for the 1867 Campaign / Knights of the Orders of St. Sylvestre / Company Hors Rang I / 2nd Battalion 3rd P° / Service ended 22 October 1868 / Promoted Sub-Lieutenant 14 December 1867” [11].

Let us simply note that he became corporal on 16.4.1867 and already by 6.5.1867 sergeant-fourrier. This is how he actively participated in the campaign of 1867. Let us highlight especially his participation in the affair of the Arsini bomb factory on 25.10.1867 in Rome and the assault on the Monte Rotonde station the following day. He was made sergeant-major on 1.11.1867 and two days later participated in the Battle of Mentana, with his 3rd Battalion II under the command of Captain de Saisy, in the column of Major de Troussures, which attacked the right flank of the Garibaldists, after having made a detour via the Via Salaria.

Officer

Order detaching Sub-Lt. Rutten to the Compagnie Hors Rang as officer in charge of armament

Promoted to sub-lieutenant on 14.12.1867 in the 6th Infantry, he was registered in the officers’ roll at no. 137, a roll that reports no new information. From 1.1.1868, he worked in the C.H.R. (Company Hors Rang[12]) in charge of armament. René wrote to his parents (Rome, 30.12.1867):

“Since my return to Italy I had climbed the service echelons with unusual speed; but eight days ago I made a much greater step. At the audience of 14 December, His Holiness graciously agreed, on the proposal of the Colonel and the Minister of War, to name me an officer. That day I was on detachment at Arsoli, 13 or 14 leagues from Rome; I was not at all expecting such a promotion, when suddenly a telegram came to inform me. I was naturally very surprised, and all the more happy at the thought of the pleasure this news would give you” [13].

Sub-Lt. Corn. René Rutten (1834–1918). Portrait (late 1867?), copy of original photograph, MRAB, arch. L.Gorissen. With his dress uniform, MRAB, photo 14.1.2015, L.Gorissen

He was decorated on 8.12.1867 as a knight of the Order of St. Sylvester, presented the following day, and like all the others on the 23rd received the decoration “Fidei et Virtuti”, popularly known as the Cross of Mentana[14]. It was with his Compagnie Hors Rang that he took part in the defense of Rome on 20.9.1870 in the first sector of zone 2: between the Tiber and the Porta Pinciana[15]. Five minutes after the first cannon shot, at 5:15 a.m., “the attack began at the Pincio, occupied as well as the Villa Medici by a company of zouave subsistants, formed partly of recruits. The combat began at first with a lively exchange of fire between our zouaves, posted behind the walls, and the enemy riflemen established at the Villa Borghese, near the isolated stables facing the Villa Medici”[16].

At 6:45 a.m., a pontifical cannon was struck and overturned, as were the artillerymen[17]. These zouaves were helping the cannoneers. After the capitulation, they were taken prisoner in the gendarmerie barracks at Maccao[18] (Officers went to the military casino). They all left on the 23rd at 5 a.m. for Civita-Vecchia[19]. Rutten himself recounts how he was attacked by an enraged mob before leaving Rome, when he returned to his apartment to retrieve his luggage. It was an Italian patrol that saved him.

Father of a Family in Clermont-en-Berwinne

House of C.R. Rutten in Clermont, in NN., Clermont, its shops and houses, ed. Cultural Committee of Clermont, 25.10.2002"

Back in Belgium, René Rutten met the sister of a friend and colleague of his brother, Bishop Martin Rutten, and on 16.4.1872 he married at Clermont-sur-Berwinne Elisabeth Joseff, daughter of Nicolas-Joseph and Marie-Marguerite Pirenne, and settled in Clermont as a farmer on the street that today bears his name, connecting the Place de la Halle to the Chaussée Charlemagne. They had six children:

• Marguerite (1873–1873)

• Joseph (15.10.1874 – Pau 18.3.1950), who became a missionary in Mongolia (1901) and Superior General of the Congregation of Scheut (1920)

• Martin (12.6.1876 – Brussels 31.12.1944), married to Yvonne Vanderheyden, went to the Congo Independent State (1901), becoming Governor-General of the Belgian Congo[20]

• René (18.9.1878 – Liège 30.3.1948), Jesuit

• Marie-Hubertine (6.3.1880), Sister of Charity in Tilburg

• Hubert (20.12.1880–2.10.1945), married to Maria Teller, who took over the family farm, inhabited after him by his youngest daughter Jeanne, married to Camille Domken, and finally their daughter Dewez-Domken in 2002[21]

Christian Commitments

Corneille René Rutten (1834–1918) in later life. Copy of an original photograph, MRAB, arch. L.Gorissen

With two regimental comrades, he set off in 1876 on a pilgrimage to Rome where he was received by Pius IX in audience, then visited the various battlefields[22]. The new radical Liberal government Frère–Van Humbeeck (18.6.1878–10.6.1884) created the new Ministry of Public Education with Pieter Van Humbeeck, a prominent Freemason, as minister. The schools war erupted after the speech from the throne (12.11.1878): “education given at the expense of the state must be placed under the exclusive direction and supervision of civil authority”, and especially through the law on education of 10.7.1879[23].

Already in September 1876 there had been school conflicts between the Bishop of Tournai and the municipal administration of Soignies, which led to a meeting with our ambassador Baron Auguste d’Anethan with Pius IX (report dated 5.12.1876). The Holy See issued an explicit approval of the conduct of the Episcopate on 2.4.1880[24]. The watchword of the Belgian Church was: “He who is not with us is against us”[25]. Each parish had its Catholic Schools Committee and Rutten was chosen as president of the Committee, a position he held until his death. He was thus elected municipal councillor of Clermont in 1885 and appointed mayor (bourgmestre) in 1885.

Let us cite the speech of municipal councillor Detry at Rutten’s grave:

“With what dedication he fulfilled, for thirty-three years, these honorable yet thankless functions above all others. It is to the mayor, indeed, that one turns for the slightest problems: quarrels, disputes, disagreements between neighbors, even between members of the same family. With what tact he knew how to restore peace where discord reigned. A charitable man par excellence, his heart and his purse were open to all and his aid softened many sorrows. Was support needed? It was to him that one turned first. Whether to obtain a position, a promotion of some kind, a reduction of sentence, a lease or any other favor… for one knew that he had never refused these services, and his influence in higher circles was such that few are those who did not obtain satisfaction through his intercession.”

At the same time he became one of the most active members of the Catholic political associations of the canton of Aubel and the arrondissement of Verviers. He was thus elected provincial councillor in 1892 for the canton of Aubel and kept his seat until his death. Under his impetus, this canton became the fortress of the Catholic party in the arrondissement. Let us cite the speech of Viscount Simonis at his grave on behalf of the Catholic Association of the arrondissement of Verviers:

“At the municipal council as at the provincial council, of which he was the dean by age,[26] Mr. Rutten knew how to earn the respect and sympathies of all, adversaries as well as friends, and these sympathies did nothing but grow over the long years he spent in these assemblies. Great, ever greater, was the confidence that the Catholics of the Verviers region placed in him, who on 30 May 1896 named him vice-president of their arrondissement association”[27].

At the legislative elections of 27.5.1900, the first held under plural universal suffrage[28] with proportional representation, Rutten was proclaimed the party’s candidate and elected 2nd substitute deputy[29] for the arrondissement of Verviers with 393 (+ 9,273 = 9,666) votes. Also at the elections of 29.5.1904 and 24.5.1908 he was respectively elected as 2nd substitute and 1st substitute[30], as on 2.6.1912 and 24.5.1914. After the death of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Viscount Julien Davignon, on 12.3.1916 in Nice[31], Rutten became an effective deputy. In the meantime he received, like all living Papal Zouaves, the Bene Merenti medal in 1891. As a representative of the electoral body, he received in Brussels on the occasion of national holidays the 1st class Civic Cross after 35 years of public service. He also received the commemorative medal of the reign of Leopold II, instituted in 1905 for 20 years of loyal service[32]. On 12.9.1911, he became an Officer of the Order of Leopold[33].

The Great War: The Fortified Position of Liège

The Fortified Position of Liège and its forts: hexagons mark major forts; arrow shows German advance of 4–6 August 1914 (14th Brigade). Clermont-sur-Berwinne is circled. Based on the Automobile Club of Antwerp periodic road map of Belgium, scale 1:350,000, 1st ed. 1914. Arch. L.Gorissen

Martin Rutten returned from Katanga to spend the summer of 1914 with his parents in Clermont, but the sounds of war were not far away. As the works on the “Fortified Position of Liège” were not complete, his commander, Lt. Gen. Gérard Leman (1851–1920), was ordering urgent works carried out by military personnel and also mobilizing civilians to dig trenches between the fortifications. The German “Army of the Meuse”, under the command of General Otto von Emmich (1848–1915), numbered 60,000 men of active units, not counting the cavalry and artillery with the famous “Grosse Bertha” of 42 cm weighing 150 tonnes. Its Infantry Brigades crossed the border on 4.8.1914 from 8 a.m. with the intention of infiltrating between the forts. Thus the next day the forts of Barchon and Fléron were heavily bombarded and a battalion of infantry of the 27th German brigade attacked Barchon. During the following night, six infantry brigades began a concentric attack. The 14th brigade advanced between the fort of Fléron and the little village of Evegnée, between those of Barchon and Fléron. On the morning of the 6th it entered Jupille and Lt. Gen. Leman ordered the retreat of the 3rd division of the Belgian army toward Borgworm[34]. The 2nd cavalry corps preceded these brigades with the help of a battalion of chasseurs. The advance during the night was probably facilitated by former German miners from the Bellaire mine, where 1,000 Germans worked and served as guides or spies[35].

René Rutten Taken Hostage

General Otto von Emmich (1848–1915), Commander of the 10th German Corps, in L. De Vos, T. Simoens, D. Warnier & F. Bostyn, 14-18 Oorlog in België, sl.nd. (Leuven, 2014), p.89.

Lt. Gen. Leman received on 31 July by telegram from General de Selliers of the General Staff the prohibition to carry out defensive works between the forts, for reasons of neutrality. Thus it was only on the evening of 3 August that he could order work to build redoubts and dig trenches. He also ordered the roads to be blocked[36]. As mayor of Clermont, René Rutten organized on 2 and 3 August the supply of the Liège fortress by the farmers of his commune. In the night of the 3rd to the 4th, on the instructions of Lt. Gen. Leman, he proceeded to the destruction of the main road. He directed a team of approximately 170 volunteer workers, of all ages, all ranks, all conditions, who, without rest until 9 a.m., rendered the road unusable over a length of one and a half kilometres. They did not abandon the work until the arrival of the first German cavalry. Clermont is only about six kilometres from the German border, on the main road going directly from Aix-la-Chapelle to Liège.

René Rutten, his two sons Martin and Hubert, and two other inhabitants were arrested around noon and brought before General von Emmich, with the threat of being shot if they could not explain the damage done to the road. Here is Rutten’s response:

“I ordered this work, I take responsibility for it and you have no right to detain anyone other than me; I acted on orders of the military authority. Formerly an officer, I too have made war; I too served nearly fifty years ago; and I have no doubt that if you had been in my place today, you would have had the courage to act as I have done.”

The witnesses and hostages who assisted at the scene reported that General von Emmich found no other response than the following: “You are free, but the road must be repaired within three hours.” In his in memoriam in L’Avant-Garde that recounts this story, one reads that it was under blows of rifle butts and sword flats from the soldiers[37] that the mayor and the peasants were forced to fill in the trenches on the road that morning. The enemy cannons could only pass in the evening[38].

The Great War — Herve 1914 — Rue Jardon. The devastation wrought by German forces on the villages along their route from Clermont toward Liège

At Thimister they encountered at the Bolsée farm German cavalry, and Antoine Fonck, former storekeeper of the Grand Bazar de Liège, 21 years old, fell as the first Belgian military fatality on the field of honor, around 10:30 a.m.[39]. Around 10 a.m., these German cavalry, coming from Clermont 2 kilometres further along, entered Thimister, very embarrassed and nervous because of the obstructions also on the road there, and ordered the inhabitants to clear the road. As the septuagenarian Théodore Pauchenne, hard of hearing and busy cutting grass on the roadside for his rabbits, did not react, they interpreted this as resistance and killed him. Émile Xhauflaire was also shot. It was thanks to an abbot who spoke to them in German that they only burned eight houses, including the Bolsée farm[40]. Further along their route they shot three inhabitants around 8 p.m. at Battice, and every day until 8–9 August there were pillages, murders and arson. In total, 23 inhabitants were killed, as well as 13 from other communes and 10 inhabitants elsewhere. The church and 146 farms and houses were burned[41]. From 4 to 10 August, 34 inhabitants and 4 from Battice were killed at the following village, Herve, and around 300 houses, farms and factories burned, including the town hall and its archives[42]. The next on this sad route was Soumagne with the terrible record of 55 men shot in the field of Fond Le Roy, before the eyes of their wives and children. 23 inhabitants were deported to neighboring villages to be killed there. After being looted, 101 houses were burned and 118 civilian citizens were killed there[43]. It is clear that Rutten did not only delay the German troops but also spared his village great misfortunes!

And that was not all. René Rutten was also subjected to ill-treatment by the passing troops. He was very often taken hostage, and even once, it is said, the soldiers had the cruelty to keep him, for an entire night, in the rain and in the open air. It was by his energy and his skill that he thus saved the village of Clermont several times from being set on fire. It was also recounted that he succeeded in saving one of his administered citizens: a resident, arrested for having kept loaded weapons at home, was threatened with being shot. Rutten first obtained that he would not be judged without a new inquiry. The tribunal deferred judgment until the end of the night.

After a little rest, the mayor was there and, with consummate skill, showed that the German soldiers contradicted each other in their depositions. The judges could only condemn the accused to prison. Another problem was that he had to simultaneously oversee the supply of the commune, ensuring all the measures demanded by the circumstances and the uncertainties of an invasion. Even at the age of 80, Rutten, by dint of devotion, managed everything. During the four years of occupation, he was on several occasions subjected to the vexations of the German authorities who accused him of fomenting and maintaining in the population a spirit of mistrust and opposition[44].

The End

Memorial death card of Corneille-René Rutten, printed by Imp. J. Thomassin, Thimister. Source: G. Meessen, o.c., p.30

All these fatigues finally got the better of his robust health and from his 84th year he began to decline and died on 10.8.1918 in Clermont. But through the intermediary of the Apostolic Nuncio in Brussels, Pope Benedict XV deigned to send the dying man his apostolic blessing[45]. The funeral was celebrated in the church of Saint-Jacques on the 16th by the Father Abbot of Val-Dieu. The absolution was sung by Mgr. Laminne, vicar general. Among those present were his brother Mgr. Martin Rutten, Bishop of Liège, his brother-in-law Mgr. Gilles Joseff, dean of the chapter of the cathedral of Liège and dean of Saint-Martin, and Canon Rutten.

The councillors Coemans for Aubel, Jaminet for Limbourg, Lacroix for Verviers, and Monami for Dison represented the provincial council. Thomas Detry, member of the municipal council of Clermont, Joseph Nols, mayor of Aubel, the lawyer Coemans, Viscount Simonis and Monsieur Jumelle, schoolteacher at Clermont, gave speeches. He rests in the cemetery of Clermont where he is interred in the family vault of the Rutten family[46]. The solemn anniversary Mass, preceded by Lauds, was celebrated in the church of Clermont on Wednesday 13.8.1919 at 10 a.m. As a sign of recognition, a street in the village of Clermont bears his name.

The Tomb of C.R. Rutten

The Rutten family tomb at Clermont cemetery (left) and the weathered marble plaque on the rear of the vault (right). Photos: Hubert Judong, Fléron, secretary of the Cercle Historique de Fléron, 6.8.2014

Close-up of the inscription on the left side of the tomb, recording Corneille René Rutten’s titles and dates

Mr. Hubert Judong of Fléron, secretary of the Cercle Historique de Fléron, kindly took for us on 6.8.2014 some photographs of the Rutten family tomb. As inscription, we read: “Sépulture des familles / Joseff et Rutten” (Burial vault of the Joseff and Rutten families). The texts are unfortunately barely legible. We nonetheless attempt to decipher them. At the rear is a white marble plaque with the text: “In memory of / Madame widow Jean / TELLER / née Marie Françoise / BASTIN / piously deceased / in Clermont / in – January 1925 / at the age of – years.”

On the left side: “Monsieur C. René RUTTEN / husband of Madame Elisabeth JOSEFF / mayor of Clermont / provincial councillor / elected member of the chamber of representatives / lieutenant in the Papal Zouaves / Officer of the Order of Leopold / Knight of the Order of St. Sylvestre / born in Geystingen on 22 February 1834 / died in Clermont on 10 August 1918 / and / widow René RUTTEN / born 2 February 1837 / died – April 1926.”

Join the Ranks!

[1]Lieven Gorissen, Limburgse Pauselijke Zoeaven, in Vlaamse Stam, jrg.6, 1970; nr.8, p.554-560; nr.9, p.627-632; nr.10, p.663-670; & jrg.7, 1971; nr.4, p.247-256; nr.5, p.315-322; nr.6, p.411-414. Better illustrated and presented in: Lieven Gorissen & Mathieu Rutten, Limburgse Soldaten voor Kerk en Paus, Het Zouavenepos, Kapellen-Tongeren, sd. (1994); L.Gorissen, De Pauselijke Zoeaven uit Limburg, in Limburg, jrg.50, 1971, nr.2, p.49-62; L.Gorissen, Onze Limburgse Pauselijke Zoeaven, in Pro Petri Sede, jrg.20, 1972, nr.3, NL.p.12-13; jrg.21, 1973, nr.2, NL. p.17 & nr.4, NL. p.12-14; L.Gorissen & M.Gorissen, De Pauselijke Zouaven, in Catalogus van de Tentoonstelling “Maaslands Verleden” van 1 tot 18 mei 1970, Davidsfonds Mechelen-aan-de-Maas, 1970, p.17-22.

[2]René Deckers, De Pauselijke Zoeaven uit de kerkdorpen Kessenich, Kinrooi, Molenbeersel, Geistingen, Ophoven, sl.nd. (Kinrooi, 1977).

[3]L.Gorissen, Mathieu Rutten is niet meer, in Pro Petri Sede, 2012-1 p.42; L.Gorissen, Eredeken Jan Rutten is niet meer, in Pro Petri Sede, 2012-4 p.34; M.Rutten, De Ruttenstam in het Maasland, sl.nd. (Tongeren, 1973), p.92, 97; M.Rutten, De Rutten-kroniek, Tongeren, 1989, op jaartal.

[4]Lieven Gorissen, Limburgse Pauselijke Zoeaven, in Vlaamse Stam, 1970, p.627-628; L.Gorissen & M.Rutten, o.c., p.50; R.Deckers, o.c., p.64-68; M.Rutten, De Ruttenstam ..., o.c., p.80-81.

[5]M.Rutten, De Rutten-kroniek, o.c., p.140-142. The grandfather of the ZP had become a farmer at the Hoezerhof in 1804, and after his death in 1851 his son, the father of the ZP, renewed the lease on 26.11.1860 for 12 years at the price of 3,850 Fr. for 55 ha.: p.145, He moved in 1872 to the farm “Hoezer” in the village of Geistingen, which he had bought in 1847 for 1,048.14 Fr. After his death the brother of Corneille René, Jan Hubert (1844-1931), received “Hoezer” as his share of the estate, to return in 1901 to “Hoezerhof” as a farmer.

[6]C.Meessen, René-Corneille Rutten, Zouave pontifical, Bourgemestre de Clermont-sur-Berwinne (1834-1918), in Société d’Histoire et d’Archéologie du Plateau de Herve, Bulletin 68, 1996, p.25; Gaston Meessen, Gens de chez nous: Corneille-René Rutten, in Réverbère, 2009, p.28, erroneously mentioned as “the eldest”.

[7]C.Meessen, o.c., p.29, is mistaken: “It is around 13 November that René Rutten left his family” – whereas he was already in Brussels on the 6th!

[8]MRAB, X/390, nr.356.

[9]Archivo di Stato di Roma, Matricola Zuavi Pontifici, nr. 1392.

[10]Martin Hubert Rutten, Lettres d’un zouave pontifical de 1863 à 1870 (C.R.Rutten), Paris, 1949.

[11]Archivo di Stato di Roma, Matricola Zuavi Pontifici, nr. 3287.

[12]Translator’s note: The Compagnie Hors Rang (literally “Company Outside the Ranks”) was a headquarters and administrative company not assigned to a numbered battalion. It functioned similarly to a modern Headquarters Company, housing staff officers, armourers, and specialist personnel. Rutten’s posting there in charge of armament reflected his seniority as a commissioned officer.

[13]NN., Lettres d’un Zouave Pontifical René Corneille Rutten (30.12.1867), in PPS 1977-4, p. F 14-15.

[14]Description de la cérémonie du 9 & 23.12.1867 in L.Gorissen, Pauselijk Zoeaaf Martinus van Leeuwen, Kapellenbos, 2014, p.53-54; et celle du 23 in L.Gorissen, Pauselijk Zoeaaf Adriaan de Graaf, in PPS 2014-4, p.38-39. C.Meessen, o.c., p.35.

[15]Col. Attilio Vigevano, La Fine dell’Esercito Pontificio, Roma, 1920, p.489. Arch.L.Gorissen.

[16]Le Cte. De Beauffort, Histoire de l’Invasion des Etats Pontificaux et du Siège de Rome par l’Armée Italienne en Septembre 1870, Paris, 1874, p.288. Arch.L.Gorissen.

[17]Col. Attilio Vigevano, o.c., p.547, 615; Le Cte. De Beauffort, o.c., p.293.

[18]L.Gorissen, De Pauselijke Zoeaven uit Limburg, o.c., p.55.

[19]Le Cte. De Beauffort, o.c., p.333.

[20]F.Dellicour, Martin Jean-Marie-René, in Biographie Colonial Belge, sl., 1958, col.714-721.

[21]NN., Le Lieutenant Rutten, in L’Avant-Garde, Août 1921, NS. N°24, p.186; M.Rutten, De Rutten-kroniek, o.c., p.80-81; C.Meessen, o.c., p.38-40; NN., Clermont, ses commerces et ses maisons, éd. Comité culturel de Clermont, 25.10.2002, p.70.

[22]C.Meessen, o.c., p.36.

[23]Theo Luykx, Politieke Geschiedenis van België van 1789 tot heden, Amsterdam-Brussel, 1969, p.173-178.

[24]NN., La Belgique et le Vatican, documents et travaux législatifs concernant la rupture des relations diplomatiques entre le Gouvernement belge et le Saint-Siège (1878-1880), Bruxelles, 2 tomes 1880 & 1881, XCIII + 758 & LXVIII + 576 pages, t.I, p.LXXXVI-XCIV. Texte de Leo XIII du 2.4.1880 in extenso, t.I, p.326-327. Arch.L.Gorissen.

[25]Els Witte & Jan Craeybeckx, Politieke geschiedenis van België sinds 1830, Antwerpen, sd. (1981), p.97.

[26]Translator’s note: The French term doyen d’âge in Belgian parliamentary usage referred specifically to the longest-serving member of a council, who held the formal procedural role of chairing the opening session until a president was elected. It is not simply the oldest member present, though the two often coincided. The title carried a specific institutional dignity beyond mere seniority of age.

[27]NN., Le Lieutenant Rutten, in L’Avant-Garde, Août 1921, NS. N°24, p.186-187.

[28]Translator’s note: Belgium’s 1893 electoral reform introduced universal male suffrage but with a plural element: men over 25 received one vote, those over 35 with property or paying certain taxes received a second, and those with higher education or certain public positions received a third. The system was intended to counterbalance the mass working-class vote while maintaining the appearance of universal suffrage. It was replaced by simple one-man-one-vote suffrage in 1919.

[29]Translator’s note: A député suppléant was an alternate or substitute member of parliament who did not hold an active seat but was registered to take the place of a sitting deputy upon death, resignation, or appointment to government office. Rutten held this status from 1900 until 1916, when the death of Foreign Minister Davignon elevated him to an effective seat.

[30]NN., 1884-1909 Vingt-cinq années de gouvernement, le parti Catholique Belge et son œuvre, Libr.Albert De Wit, Bruxelles, p.93-94 (Représentants de Liège). Indique Sébastien Winandy comme remplaçant (aussi p.384).

[31]Paul Van Molle, Le Parlement Belge / Het Belgisch Parlement 1894-1972, Anvers, 1972, p.59-60.

[32]A.Ch.Borné, Distinctions honorifiques de la Belgique 1830-1985, Bruxelles, 1985: Croix civique p.152-155; Médaille commémorative du règne de Léopold II p.293-294.

[33]NN., Mémorial du centenaire de l’Ordre de Léopold 1832-1932, Bruxelles, 1933, p.371.

[34]L.De Vos, T.Simoens, D.Warnier & F.Bostyn, 14-18 Oorlog in België, sl.nd. (Leuven, 2014), p.87-94.

[35]René Lyr, Onze Helden gestorven voor het Vaderland, Belgiës epische strijd van 1914 tot 1918, Brussel, 1922, p.43-45.

[36]René Lyr, o.c., p.39.

[37]Translator’s note: The French original uses the word soudards, a contemptuous term meaning brutish or loutish soldiers — closer in tone to “thugs in uniform” than the neutral “soldiers” used here. The pejorative register reflects the author’s moral condemnation of the German troops’ conduct.

[38]NN., Le Lieutenant Rutten, in L’Avant-Garde, août 1921, NS. N°24, p.187.

[39]L.De Vos, T.Simoens, D.Warnier & F.Bostyn, o.c., p.92.

[40]Paul Verbraeken, Start WO I in België, Dood en verderf vanaf eerste minuut, in Gazet van Antwerpen, 2-3.8.2014, p.6; Eug. De Seyn, dans Geschied- en Aardrijkskundig woordenboek der Belgische gemeenten, Turnhout, sd., t.II, p.1340.

[41]Eug. De Seyn, o.c., t.I, p.84.

[42]Eug. De Seyn, o.c., t.I, p.578.

[43]Eug. De Seyn, o.c., t.II, p.1286; NN., België in de Grote Oorlog, Heldhaftige tegenstand in Luik, in Hij is verrezen, nr.71, 2014, p.14.

[44]NN., Le Lieutenant Rutten, in L’Avant-Garde, août 1921, NS. N°24, p.187-188.

[45]NN., Le Lieutenant Rutten, in L’Avant-Garde, août 1921, NS. N°24, p.188.

[46]C.Meessen, o.c., p.38.

Rare Bene Marenti Medal Worn by St. Louis Gardener

Portrait of John Hynes wearing his Bene Merenti medal (Left) and Pro Petri Sede Medal (Right).

John J. Hynes of No. 1721 Carr Street Is a Veteran of the Papal Army and Won the Highest Reward From the Vatican by a Daring Act of Heroism During the Revolution Against the Roman Church.1

John J. Hynes of No. 1721 Carr street is the proud possessor of the Bene Merenti medal, conferred upon him by Pope Pius IX in recognition of his distinguished bravery at the siege of Ancona during the Garibaldi revolutionary war in Italy in 1859.2

The medal, one of the only two in existence, is the highest distinction that can be conferred by the Pope upon a Catholic layman, and is analogous to the French cross of the Legion of Honor, in that it was bestowed as a reward for extraordinary courage and daring in action.3

The Bene Merenti medal is of silver, suspended by a tri-colored ribbon from a gold bar, beneath which is a gold reproduction of the coat of arms of the Pope, the cross-keys and crown. On the obverse of the medal appears the profile of the head of Pope Pius IX, surrounded by the inscription “Pius IX, Pontifex Maximus,” and on the reverse the inscription “Bene Merenti” (well merited).

In addition to this medal Mr. Hynes also has the St. Peter’s medal awarded to all surviving soldiers of the Pope’s army at the siege of Ancona. This is also of silver, suitably inscribed. The Sergeant Major’s sash, which he won at the siege of Ancona, is also one of Mr. Hynes’s prized possessions.4

Mr. Hynes was a Sergeant Major in the Papal army when the honor was conferred. Brigadier General Coppinger, a son-in-law of James G. Blaine, and now in the Orient, who was a Lieutenant in the Papal army, is the possessor of the other medal.5 It was conferred upon him after the battle of Castlefidordo, in the same war, for distinguished personal bravery. These are the only two medals conferred, as no occasion has since arisen in which the personal safety of the Pope has been threatened by an organized uprising.6

YOUNG IRISHMEN DEFENDED THE POPE.

Mr. Hynes was a youth of 19, studying for the priesthood in All Hollows College, Dublin, when Garibaldi began his revolutionary movement against Pope Pius IX in 1859. When the revolutionists threatened the personal safety of the Pope, Hynes joined a brigade formed of young Irishmen devoted to the Catholic faith, to join the army being organized to defend the Pope. The brigade was hurried to Italy via Antwerp, Belgium, Germany and Austria, where, after a short time spent in drilling the raw recruits, the brigade was attached to the Pope’s army, numbering 8,000, recruited from Ireland, Austria, Switzerland and French Canada, under command of General La Moricière, a French officer.

Read more

Engraving of Hugh Murray. L’Opinion publique, Vol. 5, no 15 (9 avril 1874), p. 173.

THE LAST DAYS OF THE PONTIFICAL ZOUAVES

By Lieutenant Hugh Murray

[Hugh Murray was a Canadian Papal Zouave Lieutenant. He wrote many editorials for the New York Freeman’s Journal and Catholic Register newspaper. The following article combines six editorials he made in the Freeman’s Journal from January 14 to April 8, 1871 detailing his experience during the September 20, 1870 siege of Rome and his journey home.]

____________________________________

An Authentic Account of the Capture of the Eternal City

[Freeman’s Journal. January 14, 1871.]

We make no apology to our readers for taking up so much of our space as we have in this issue, devoted to the incidents dependent on the capture of the Eternal City by the hordes of Victor Emmanuel, whilom styled King of Italy. As to the gross sacrilege committed by the “Liberators” of Rome we have nothing to say just now. The account which follows is from the pen of a brave officer of the Canadians Zouaves, who bears in his body marks of the wounds received on the ramparts of Rome, and whose modesty expressly forbids us to mention his name. Anxious as we are to preserve, with reverence, everything in connection with this great antagonism between the world and the Devil, we feel doubly honored and being privileged, today, to present to our thousands of readers the only authentic account that has, as yet, been published of the capture of the capital of Catholic Christendom. The truth of the matters connected with the transfer of Catholic institutions, no less than the accuracy of the facts therein contained, are worthy of attentive perusal. Let us all unite in the protest herein set forth—the most practicable one (save that of Seneca Falls) that we have yet seen.

The great feature contrasting the present age with preceding ones, is the rapidity with which news is transmitted from one end of the earth to the other. The ends of the earth have literally met. Parallel with this are the numerous means of making known the facts that are daily taking place. Steam, Electricity and the Press are the great Powers bringing into relationship all the members of the human family. The attentive observer will not fail, however, to note the evil use of those mighty means given to mankind for good. How is it that the greatest injustice of the last quarter century (which contains within it more events that a hundred years of olden time) has never been dwelt upon by public writers, never exposed in its proper light, so as to meet with the condemnation of every one gifted with moral sentiment and be able to discern right from wrong. It is because the public mind is not made conversant with facts as they are; because falsehoods have been given as truths, and as such accepted.

It would be a long task to recount all the events which finally resulted in the storming of the city of Rome. The first act was the usurpation of the Marches and the Romagna. Every false doctrine, every plausible lie, every fable, exaggerated national sentiment, misdirected passions, love of place or power—all fraudulent and violent means were employed to wrest from the Successor of St. Peter, what ages and universal consent have agreed to call His Patrimony. Not the King of Savoy alone is responsible for the act, but co-partners in his guilt are the different powers of the earth, who have admitted accomplished facts, and those men who, by the misrepresentation of things, have led great numbers to consider as a necessary act, a most terrible iniquity. The governments that have admitted the right of the strong over the feeble, have signed their doom. No form of government will maintain for a great length of time its existence, if its code of laws admits in action a principle destructive of social order or of international right. Already the symptoms of decay in European societies, indicate the presence of a destructive agency. No reliance is placed on treaties; all is made to rest upon the number of soldiers and the range of artillery. By what combination of circumstances has France fallen? She allowed Piedmont to overthrow the weaker neighbors; her armies stood at rest while the States of the Church were being invaded in 1860, remaining passive spectators of the field of Castelfidardo and of the shelling of Ancona. After United Italy, United Germany; hence the humiliation of France. England today exacts of Russia the observance of the Treaty of Sebastopol; but Russia replies that of date years treaties have been torn up, when the convenience of one party required it. Why should Europe exact of Russia what it has not exacted from Piedmont or from Prussia? Is the preservation of the Seraglio such a valuable institution as to enlist all the world’s sympathies? Why may not Russia add to her dominions Constantinople, as Victor Emmanuel has added to his, Rome—and Prussia, Hanover? It is wrong to violate a treaty—for it is the word of honor which two nations exchange—but it is difficult to require of another what is not observed by one’s self. This want of faith will have a fatal result. Henceforward no war will terminate until the more powerful has annihilated the weaker. Force alone will become the law; and this new doctrine, of late admitted by the so-called champions of freedom, now binds in fetters the august person of Pius the Ninth.

Is not this last recorded act on the page of history one to make us blush at this nineteenth century? The diffusion of general knowledge, the rapid advance of the sciences, progress, civilization, these great topics of today’s pride, when we hear them spoken of, are we not inclined to ask ourselves these words: Are they not nonsense? Are not all the great doings of men but the building of a tower of Babel, which shall result in a general confusion? The tower of Babel was the united effort of the skill and labor of all the human race of that period, raising an immense monument of their power, and which proved a monument of their absurdity. It may be that the present generation of men will leave behind the ruins of all social order, of all principle, and, if they could, of all truth, as the results of their efforts and labor. For if these do not coordinate in the end for which man was created, they will prove destructive. But we are to hope on, and hope for a better employment of the immense resources at the disposal of the genius of man.

The present war raging between France and Prussia so absorbed the public mind, that the fall of Rome has not attracted its merited attention. However, it is to all, even to those who may think themselves the least concerned, of vital interest. It is important to read the opening pages of a book, which the future will rapidly write, as the passing present will turn over leaf after leaf. The Popes have been in possession of the temporal power for centuries, and have frequently suffered violence. Towards the close of the eighteenth century commenced a series of attacks on them, with which those of the present day have an intimate connection. The French revolution carried with its armies false doctrines and subversive principles throughout Europe. It was completing the work of “Reformation.” These doctrines, scattered about, took root in many places. In nearly every town and village in Italy, they became the creed of a small group of bad men. Reunited under various names, and formed into a sect, they have overthrown every existing government on the Italian peninsula through the agency of a king, who will, in turn, be overthrown, when the work required of him is finished. Rome is now in their power, the Pope a captive. How shall we speak of these late events?—they are so painful to dwell upon. How narrate with necessary calmness the manner in which the city, of which every Christian is a citizen, was cruelly shelled, and its defenders, representing the whole Catholic world, ignominiously treated; how the infidels made captive the venerable Pontiff, the admiration of Christendom; how they have placed guards round his dwelling place, and have not respected the sacredness of his home; how their treatment is shortening his life, and bringing grief and affliction on his last years, breaking his paternal heart with sorrow at the sight of the misery and suffering of his beloved city and faithful children!

All around Pius IX was calm and tranquil. The Ecumenical Council of the Vatican had terminated its first session, and the Fathers of Christendom were returning to their flocks. A grand spectacle had been offered to the world, and fresh hopes inspired! Perfect security reigned in the patrimony of St. Peter. No brigandage, no sedition, no distress. Public morals guarded, children brought up in the fear and love of God; the fine arts cultivated; every department of human science open to talent and emulation; no caste distinctions, but merit given entrance to every career. Plenty reigned amidst the seven hills, brought thither by the thousands who had hastened to the great assises of Christianity. Bountiful harvests were repaying the husbandman’s toil. The Council had held its sittings in majestic freedom, protected by its own men-at-arms!

But the enemy was always at the gates, where it had been watching, year after year, its opportunity. So called Italy was demanding Rome; but since Castelfidardo, the Catholics had protested, and the army of France was at hand, ready to act in their name. The ruler of France, engaged in a war, thought he could do without the assistance of the God of Hosts, and preferred the alliance of the Robber King. Barabbas took the gold, one million of pieces in hand, and immediately put his army on foot. But it was not to help France. When repeated defeats left no fear of vengeance from the noble French nation, who would have purged its honor thrown away by a Carbonara ruler, the Italian army; at the given signal, invaded the remaining Papal territory.

It is with regret that the term “ Italian” must be applied. But a man should die rather than take up arms in an unjust cause; and on beholding in this army men from all parts of Italy, Italy cannot escape the responsibility of the deed; in filling the ranks of a host marching to make captive the Vicar of Christ, they stand guilty.

All the military resources were taxed for this conquest, four hundred thousand were coerced into the ranks. The Pope’s army amounted to fifteen thousand, on paper. His remaining territory comprised the Provinces of Viterbo and Frosinone, Civita-Vecchia, Rome, and the Comarca. At the moment of invasion, the position of the Papal forces was as follows: Two companies of Zouaves at Montefiascone; a detachment of twenty men at Bagnorea; a company at Valentano; four Zouave companies, a section of artillery (two pieces), a half squadron of dragoons, two hundred squadriglieri at Viterbo; one company of Zouaves at Civita-Castellana; the home depot Zouave companies, artillery, and a battalion of Cafeteo at Civita-Vecchia. The southern provinces were garrisoned by native troops. These, as also Civita-Vecchia, are connected by rail with Rome. Viterbo is not so connected. On the departure of the French (5,000 strong) from Civita-Vecchia and Viterbo, the Italian troops were immediately massed on the frontier, on pretext of protecting the Papal frontier from Garibaldian raids. Of this there could be no apprehension. The revolutionary party, assured of the intentions of the Florentine Cabinet, had made no enlistments. In the spring of 1870 there had been Garibaldian organizations on a large scale in Tuscany, at Orvieto and at Turin, with the design of overthrowing Victor Emmanuel, and, with a Mazzinian Republic, to have the army moved against Rome. The repeated defeats of the party, and the heavy losses they had met with in 1867, had given the Garibaldians a dislike to meet the papal troops. Moreover, the well known resolution of the peasantry to take up arms on their approach, and to give them no mercy wherever met with, deterred any project like that of ‘48 or ‘67.

As soon as all the preparations for the frontier were made, King Victor Emmanuel sent in an ultimatum to the Pope, demanding him to disband his “foreign mercenaries,” and to admit the royal troops into Rome, where they would do duty with the native troops, and the provinces to be occupied by the King’s army. In case of non-acceptance, the Italian Army to march in. Similar in the way in which the highwaymen accosts a peaceful traveler. A burglar could not conduct himself with cooler impudence. When Richard Turpin and Victor Emmanuel meet in the Elysian Fields (!) they may cordially shake hands. Count Ponza di San Martino was the bearer of the ultimatum, and awaited in the Pope’s presence the fulminating answer. He left the Chamber in the Vatican, hurrying he knew not whither. An attendant had to show him the way out. He gave the Pope’s answer to the King, and the King gave the order to march against the defenders of the Pontiff, whom he had wished to dishonor before dragging from his throne. Count Ponza di San Martino is one of the vile tools of a miserable king, and adds another name to that list of men of illustrious birth who have disgraced their ancestry, brought shame on their country and ruin on their masters. The Romans added to the Count’s titles that of “Pontius Pilate.”

On the 11th of September the northern position was crossed, the Papal troops had orders to retire when the enemy appeared in sight. They did so quietly; the invading troops in no case attacked them, though ample opportunity was afforded; severe orders from Rome alone prevented the detachment from contesting every inch of ground. It was not the policy nor the interest of the invaders to attack. The Italian soldiers entertained great fears of an engagement. ”If we fight,” they said, “what shall we gain? An officer may gain something by it; we may get hard knocks, a limb less, or perhaps be killed, and then, Madonna Santissima, we go to hell!” Assured by their officers that there would be no danger of a fight, they were consoled. The detachments south of Rome reached it by rail, all bearing witness to the grief of the inhabitants on their departure, and the universal dismay at the approach of the royal troops. The southern provinces are most devoted to the Pope; from these came the squadriglieri, or armed peasantry. Witnesses of the effects of the misrule In the neighboring provinces of the Neapolitan kingdom, they knew what fate awaited them—conscription and heavy taxation. They will all spring to arms when a favorable opportunity presents itself, and no doubt that, today, many a bold youth amongst them has shouldered his rifle and sped to the mountain fastnesses of Trisulti, Sonnino, or Oarpineto, rather than put on the Livery of the House of Savoy.

The retreat of the troops from the Province of Viterbo was more difficult. With orders to retreat only on the near approach of the enemy, the line of retreat left open was by Civita-Vecchia, the others being occupied by the enemy. The invasion was simultaneously made at several points. One corps d’armée marched from Orvieto upon Montefiascone; a second, by Orte, on Viterbo; a third, directly on Rome by Borghetto; a fourth on Corneto; a fifth invaded the southern provinces, and the fleet of ironclads entered the walls of Civita-Vecchia.

A little after nine in the evening, the two companies of Zouaves at Montefiascone fell back on Viterbo, nine miles distant; the enemy passed the night at the foot of the hill leading up to the village, entering it the next morning at three. It was with sore feelings that the Zouaves thus had to turn their backs on their foes. The hope, however, of a serious and energetic resistance in Rome, and the thought that they were going to safeguard the person of his Holiness, sustained them. The order of retreat was obeyed; but with the utmost reluctance this point was abandoned, where a splendid resistance might have been made, and glory thrown on the Pontifical arms. Viterbo was reached at three in the morning. Viterbo is a walled town, but not fortified; it is at the foot of a mountain, and commanded on all sides by the adjacent heights. It did not afford any facilities for resistance. At noon the enemy was signalized by the videttes, and shortly after, the column, a thousand strong, under Lieut.-Col. De Charette, left the city. Once outside the walls, the vanguard took up position on a sloping height, so as to protect the retreat of the main body. The night was spent at Vetralla, nine miles distant. The enemy’s intention was to cut off the retreat. General Cadorna that morning, the 13th September, had crossed at Borghetto with thirty-five thousand men. The road lead directly to Rome, crossing the Tiber at the Nichian bridge, forty-three miles distant, but Civita-Castellana, a small town of six thousand inhabitants, occupied by a company ninety strong, lay across the road passing through the town, which was defended by an old medieval fort unprovided with cannon. A little beyond the town the road branches off, crosses the main road to Viterbo, and striking across the mountain, leads into Vetralla. It was Cadorna’s intention to detach a column, which, occupying in time Vetralla, would place de Charette’s column between two bodies of the enemy, respectively ten and eighteen thousand strong. Vetralla is a village of high stone buildings, with a deep ravine on either side, the road to Monte Romano passing through it. But orders had been sent to Civita-Castellana to hold out as best it could. Detached from Civita-Castellana is the old fort, in which are military prisoners undergoing disciplinary confinement, and, in another portion convicts. This commands the road to Rome and the entrance to the town. The Zouaves had their Remingtons, plenty of ammunition and of pluck. Rossi was in command of the fortress, and Captain de Résiment of the Zouaves.

Cadorna, at the head of his thirty-five thousand men, advanced to the town, expecting open gates and no resistance; but the unexpected rattle of the rapid Remington on the lancers sent many a charger back with a light saddle. The Bersaglieri, advancing to another direction, received by a rapid and deadly fire from a post of thirty-five veteran gendarmes, fell back. Cadorna was thunderstruck. Quickly he withdrew his men out of rifle-range, and had the batteries brought into position at two thousand yards distance. He did well, for already was dismayed prevalent in the numerous host. The soldiers complained that, having come on a promenade to Rome, they did not wish to be killed by the Zouaves.

The incessant fire from the artillery of a division of thirty-five thousand men, poured a deluge of shells and grenades against and into the fort. Without any cannon the brave little band remained quietly at their post. Soon the old fort began to quake; the imminent destruction awaited the prisoners and the convicts. The bombardment must have lasted an hour and a half, and the delay already occasioned to the Italian Army had obtained the required purpose. A flag of truce was raised, and outside the walls the terms were agreed upon. But what was the surprise of the Italian Generals and their officers on visiting the place that had delayed their advance, and had caused them a heavy loss! This was doubly increased on learning that not a single Zouave had been killed, nor one wounded. A few had raised some scratches; one had had his ear pinched by a fragment of a shell, his rifle bent in two, his jacket torn and his arm bruised; another had measured his length on the ground, but quickly to rise again; a third had the sole of his shoe taken off. Such their casualties! The enemy admitted a loss of thirty-five—it was probably much greater; the dead were buried on the spot, and no official list was published. The terms of the capitulation were: The garrison to receive military honors; the men to be forwarded home by rail within three days; the fort and village to be evacuated the next morning at eight. Thus a delay of over twenty-four hours was imposed on the Italian forces, and de Charette’s retreat secured. This Brave band had brought to a dead halt the onward march of thirty-five thousand men!

The gallant defenders awoke the next morning proud of their defense, but loth to lay down their arms; not one but would have preferred death. For the last time they drew up and formed for their last march. The Bersaglieri gave them the military honors prescribed for these occasions, presenting arms with colors flying and clarions sounding. Ninety Zouaves and thirty-five gendarmes piled their arms in presence of their thirty-five thousand enemies.

Let us tell immediately of the fate of the defenders of Civita-Castellana. Hardly had they laid down their arms when the terms of the capitulation were violated. Instead of being forwarded to their homes, they were treated as prisoners, hurried off to Borghetto, thence to Turin, where a mob insulted and ill-treated them. At Spoleto they were thrown into prison, and kept there for a week; thence sent off to Leghorn. On the route they were searched for money; in case they had sufficient, they would have been forwarded home at their own expense. The Dutch and Belgians were separated from the Canadians and Irish, who were sent off to the Lazaretto of Leghorn and lodged in the sheds, where, sometime later, they were rejoined by the garrison of Civita-Vecchia and the Canadians from Rome. Between the railway terminus and the Lazaretto of Saint Leopoldo, they narrowly escaped, by hiding in a ditch, from being torn to pieces by an infuriated mob.

Charette’s column spent the night at Vetralla. The necessary precautions were taken so as to guard against any surprise. Vertalla had been designated as the rallying point for the different local brigades of gendarmes. Here the faithful men who had refused to accept service under Victor Emmanuel joined the column. The night passed quietly; the weather was fine, the air still and soft, laden with the perfume of the ripening grape, the stars shining forth in mild brightness through the deep blue sky. Towards six in the morning the retreating column, heavily encumbered with baggage, moved on to Monte Romano, which it reached at midday. Shortly after the departure Vetralla was occupied by the enemy. At Monte Romano a halt for a few hours was made for food and rest. The enemy was close at hand. Here a council of war was held, at which all the officers assisted. But before the prosecution of the march intelligence brought in by the dragoons undid completely any previous plan. A division of the Italian army occupied Corneto with a force of ten thousand men. They had taken up position at the junction of the roads of Monte Romano, Corneto and Civita-Vecchia. The only route left open to the retreating column was a pathway across the heights of Monte Romano, leading to the road of La Tolfa, and thence across the mountains to Civita-Vecchia. This was taken, and at four in the afternoon the retreating column left Monte Romano. The march was long and tedious, owing to the delays caused by the artillery and a mitrailleuse, which proved to be an endless piece of trouble. The scenery was splendid and the night beautiful—pasture lands of exhaustless resource, fine woodland, valleys of teeming richness on all sides. The temperature, very high, during the day, fell considerably after sunset, but the heat was still oppressive. Not a word was spoken; the only sound was the noise of the artillery carriages and caissons, as they were, with much toil, dragged over an impracticable route. The orders were communicated in a whisper. After some time, the night already advanced, the road of La Tolfa was reached. Much precaution had to be used, as the enemy was supposed to be near at hand. Frequent halts occurred while the dragoons were reconnoitering, rendering much greater the fatigue, as sleep would creep on and be suddenly broken. From the slopes of La Tolfa’s mountains a grand scene displayed itself—the Mediterranean sea far off in the distance. Shortly after this road was left, and the direction taken across the fields. This was the most difficult part. Finally, far in the distance glimmered the revolving light of Civita-Vecchia, and soon after signal rockets rose in quick succession, announcing that the approach was unimpeded. At four in the morning de Charette, with his column, was within the walls of Civita-Vecchia.

This arduous march reflects much credit on the energy of the commanding officer. Its success was due to the good services of the peasants, who acted as guides. It was a most difficult and intricate route, and only men completely familiar with the country could have found their way in its mazes. It was impassable for field artillery; good fortune got the two pieces through. Some of the baggage was lost, owing to the breaking down of the wagons.

Civita-Vecchia was in readiness for defense. From various buildings were floating the flags of different nations. Though a successful resistance could not have been made, there might have been an honorable one. The orders and the instructions were sent to the commander, but the officer in command (of the piazza staff, a Spaniard by birth) sold his trust for ten thousand lire.

At daybreak eight Italian ironclads came bearing down and formed in line of battle of the town. They had done the same thing the day previous. They were awaiting the traitor’s signal and the arrival of the land force under Bixio. On the firing of five alarm guns they withdrew, taking a southerly course. At the same time a fleet was distinguishable in the offing. The only man-of-war in the harbor was an English vessel. On the coming down of the Italian fleet this vessel took up position across one of the entrances to the harbor.—Wherefore?

At twelve the retreating column left by rail for Rome. At four the drawbridge over the Tiber was reached. Here, disembarking and following its banks, the column, 1,000 strong, marched into the city by the Porta Portese. The numerous preparations for an energetic defense gratified the sight on entry. The troops were at their posts, the gates strongly barricaded and defended by earthworks; sand bags were laid along the walls to protect the sharpshooters. The city wore the same appearance as it did in 1867 at the time of the Garibaldian invasion.

In Rome slight hopes had been entertained of the possibility of de Charette making good his retreat. He was hailed with joy, and received the thanks of The Sovereign Pontiff for the ably-conducted retreat. The loss of the retreating column had been eight dragoons, cut off by the enemy’s lancers. The Pontifical dragoons behaved with the utmost bravery in this retreat, in which all the work of gaining intelligence of the enemy’s movements devolved on them. Two of them entered Corneto while occupied by the enemy, and yet made good their escape. The energy and coolness of the lieutenant in command of the artillery is also worthy of all praise. This retreat showed the devotion and fealty of the native troops to the Pope; had they had any wish to go over to the enemy, nothing would have been easier.

It was the afternoon of the 15th that Rome was reached. The thought of being around the Holy Father consoled, in some degree, the men, sore at having been, so far, obliged to turn their backs on the foe, and the assurance of a determined resistance stirred up the soul to its very depths. With what courage had they undergone this toilsome march; yet there was not a word, not a murmur of complaint. How their countenances beamed on entering the Holy City, where so many martyrs had shed their blood! How their hopes were disappointed, and how they shall always grieve at having been able to do so little! But the thought that they obeyed the orders of the Sovereign Pontiff shall always sustain them, in the last blessing he bestowed will always be with them. In the world they will meet with men ready to scoff and ridicule; but an inner friend will whisper to them, “You did your duty!”

The investment of the city had already commenced, and was rapidly completed. A hundred thousand men had poured into the remnant of the Papal Possessions, and six-five thousand were encamping round the walls of Rome. Additional forces were ready to march in case of prolonged resistance. It was determined to bombard the city without mercy, so as to spare the lives of the besiegers. The city being invested, the Pope was summoned to surrender. The Sovereign Pontiff had ordered that no such messengers should be admitted into his presence. At the same time efforts were made to detach the native troops from their fealty; but the base offers were spurned. Rome happily did not count among her defenders any traitors. She has fallen, but without dishonor.

But at this time what was the action of the foreign powers? England, the United States, Russia and Turkey, had no representatives near the Holy Father. Those that were there from other nations did nothing. It said that diplomatic pressure was brought to bear on the Pope, to induce him to give up the city without resistance. It is said that the Prussian Ambassador, under pretense of serving the Pope, acted favorably to the Italian interests. Be it as it may, there was not a power of this world willing to defend the sacred rights of the Head of Christendom! The sleep of death had fallen on the Catholic nations. The Government of France, the day of the bombardment, had sent a dispatch to Rome, communicating the decree of the Provisional Government, recalling immediately, under the death penalty, all Frenchmen bearing arms under a foreign power. A ship, at the same time, was on the way to Civita-Vecchia, to take on board all the French in the Papal service.

But the Sovereign Pontiff rose, as the storm gathered. Again an attempt was made to have the city surrendered. King Victor’s Generals would have wished to escape the obloquy of the deed; they would have had it proclaimed that the gates of Rome had been thrown open to them. It was in vain.

The Papal army amounted to about nine thousand; the besiegers were over seven times more numerous. The number of the Zouaves was two thousand four hundred. Their number has been singularly exaggerated. The great majority of them were Dutch; the number of the French amounted to six or eight hundred; the Canadians two hundred and fifteen; the English speaking to close on a hundred; the remainder were Belgians, etc. There were some from the United States, and but few countries had not there some representative. The Zouaves were stationed on the walls with the other regular troops. The Urban, the Palatine guard and the gendarmes occupied posts in the city. The Urban guard, composed of educated young Romans, was sixty strong. There were a few foreigners in it; a member of the House of Commons—an Irishman—an elderly English gentleman, a retired Major of the British army. The Palatine guard, four hundred strong, belonged to the burgher class. They behaved well.

The city was quiet. Not a solitary demonstration was made, either in the city or in the Provinces, in favor of annexation to the Italian Kingdom. The people were content with the mild and peaceful rule they lived under. The very contrast between their condition and that of the remaining part of Italy, under Victor Emmanuel, would have been sufficient to make them so. The taxes were indirect and light; no man was forced against his will to become a soldier and live upon a miserable pittance; the education of the children was carefully watched over. In the country parts, around Rome, the utmost devotion existed for the cause of the Holy See, and intense hatred to Italian rule.

To corroborate that the Roman subjects hate their self-imposed masters, let us state the fact, that not in a single village of the remaining States where they received with any demonstrations of joy; that nearly all those holding place refused to serve under them.

The outward aspect of the city wore a very animated appearance—bodies of troops in movement; the gendarmes under arms at their stations; and the continual passing of dragoon orderlies. Sand had been scattered over the streets for the convenience of the estafette service; and the flags of the different powers were floating from the respective embassies, and from the windows of the apartments occupied by foreign residents. The churches were filled with crowds imploring the Divine protection. At this time the population of Rome was 220,000 Souls.

On the 19th September the last besieging column had come up, and everything was in readiness to open fire. The defences of the city were but feeble. Rome is a walled, not a fortified city of eighteen miles in circumference. The Tiber divides it into two unequal portions; that part of extending on the right bank is known as the Trastevere, of which the Leonine city forms a very small division, extending from the Leonine gate, at the foot of the hill leading to the monastery of St Onofrio, on the Janiculum, to the bridge of St. Angelo. The Leonine city had been closed in during the middle ages, to protect the Vatican from the unruly Roman barons. The left bank comprises the Ghetto, or Jewish quarter, the Aventine, Palatine, Caelian, Capitoline, Quirinal, Viminal, Esquinal, and Pincian hills. The two banks are connected together by five bridges. Fourteen gates (three of which are closed) open on the country. The walls of the city have been built at different periods; around a part of the Vatican they are medieval; from the Porta Cavalligieri to the Porta Portese they are of modern construction, self-flanking, and built of brick, without stone facings.

The remaining circuit, also of brick, was built after the downfall of the Roman Empire, and is in a ruinous state. The weakest point extends from the Porto del Popolo to the Salarian gate. The city is commanded from the neighboring heights. Monte Mario overlooks the entire city. From the tomb of Caecilia Metella, on the Appian Way, to the Monte Parioli, admirable positions are afforded to an enemy’s artillery, and the undulating surface furnishes a natural retrenchment farther west. There are no outworks or detached forts, the walls are simply loopholed; and from St. Paul’s gate to the Pincian Hill, no sufficient embrasures or platforms afford the necessary facilities for the good management of cannon. A few old siege pieces were put in position on the Janiculum, but the remaining guns were light field pieces. Two forts exist in the city; Fort St. Angelo, at the foot of Monte Mario, is more of a danger than of a defence; its powder magazine, at the discretion of a well-directed shell, is a prepared mine ready to blow up the city. In 1867, the Aventine, one of the seven hills, on the recommendation of French engineers, was fortified. It had a few old fashioned heavy guns; it commands the banks of the Tiber, and the entrance to the city by St. Paul’s and St. Sebastian. To Tender its guns available would have necessitated a considerable destruction of property, and a series of other works, which the resources of the Pontifical treasury could not meet. Neither of these forts took any part in the siege.

No attempt at a sortie was made on the besieged; it could not be done without leaving some points exposed, and the enemy were everywhere superior in number; besides, the numerous intelligences which the enemy had within the walls would speedily have made known any attempt at a sortie and rendered it abortive. There remained no alternative, before the arrival of Bixio’s column from Civita-Vecchia and of the southern division, then of giving battle outside the walls. It would have been a glorious hazard: the courage and enthusiasm of the Papal troops, their superior armament for the Infantry, the terror they inspired in the Italian forces, offered chances of success. It was otherwise decided.

Let us note here the difference between the manner of action of the Italian forces before Rome in 1870 and that of the French in 1849. To spare the lives of the non-combatants, and to avoid doing any unnecessary damage to the monuments, churches and magnificent works of art with which the city is filled, the French army established their batteries against one part only, that extended from San Pancrazio to Porta Portese, the strongest part of the city. Before making a breach, they had to go through the tedious work of advancing parallels, and exposed themselves, by the time thus required, to the dangerous summer season of the Campagna. At any other point they could, in a much shorter and at a far less loss, have brought the city to terms; but they preferred self-sacrifice to the exposing of the city to ruinous damage. With a chivalrous spirit they gave a fair fight to an enemy outside the pale of law. How different the conduct in 1870! The Italian batteries were thrown up in every available position, indifferent to the incalculable damage this recklessness would cause.

All the positions on the walls were taken up by the Pontifical troops on the afternoon of the 19th September—Colonel Aller on the Pincio, Lieut.-Colonel de Charette at St. John of Lateran’s, Commandant Paul de Saisy at St. Sebastian, Colonel Perrault, of the Antibes Legion, at St Paul’s gate. During the last days preceding the siege, the English-speaking Zouaves received from his Lordship Bishop Quinn of Australia, such acts of kindness as never shall be forgotten.

The Papal troops wore a small cross made of red stuff. They were full of courage, and buoyant with hope. Though fretting at not having been allowed a sortie on the besiegers, they counted upon a revenge at the breach. The piety of both the men and the officers was admirable; they had but one desire, that of giving their lives for the Vicar of Jesus Christ. It would have been the giving of but a paltry thing in exchange of true immortality. Other were the designs of God and His immutable decisions. The privilege of dying on the walls of Rome was a gift bestowed on but a few; some had the fortune to make good use of their arms, while others the hard lot of not firing a shot. The general expectation of these poor crusaders of the nineteenth century was, that some unforeseen event, if not their own resolute arm, would bring about a great victory.

In a few more hours the closing scene, and Rome in the hands of the barbarians. But what were the men of old to the men of these modern days. Uncouth children of the north, of half savage lives, without any culture of the letters or the enlightenment of Revelation. The waters of baptism had not made them Christians, nor had they been brought up under the protecting wing of the church. They knew not what they did, like the Roman soldiery on the Golgotha. But these men now around Rome, what were they? They belong to the oldest civilized and christian country; they come from all parts of sunny Italy: from remote Calabria, from the foot of the burning Etna, from the mountains of Abruzzi, from the shores of the Adriatic, from the plains of Lombardy, and from the hills of Piedmont. They are neither Turks, nor heretics, nor Jews, they called themselves the children of the Holy Roman Catholic church, and they are in arms against their Mother; they are about making captive the representative of Him who was crucified! What are they but the Jews of the New Testament.

The sun went down to rest, leaving the city of the seven hills in the quiet piece of night. During the last days an occasional cannon shot was exchanged for the measurement of the distances. The besieged slept beside the city walls; the sentries kept watch from the summits. Finally came the break of day; the sky was cloudless and the mild light of dawn was slowly disengaging the outlines of the horizon. Around lay the vast Campagna, a slight wreath of morning mist lying on its surface, closed in by the sea, the gentle slopes of the Alban hills, and the lofty barriers of the Appennines. The bells were ringing the Ave Maria from every sanctuary, church and basilica of the Eternal City. The sun was slowly climbing up the eastern steep of the mountains.

As it struck five, four shots were fired in quick succession from the besieging batteries. They were as quickly responded to. A dead silence now ensued. Suddenly the cannonade opened from all the batteries, from those on the rising ground close to the tomb of Caecilia Metella to those on the Pincian hill. From a ruined turret midway between the gate of St. Sebastian and St. Paul’s, an excellent view of the action was obtained. The undulating Campagna, the heights of Monte Mario, St. Peter’s dome, the dark pines of the Pamphili Villa; the gently rising Monte Verdi; the Tiber winding along its tortuous banks; Monte Testaccio crowned today with artillery,—St. Paul’s high tower and mighty basilica; such the objects in view.

Towards eight the batteries of General Bixio’s division opened fire against the Janiculum, in the neighborhood of San Pancrazio. The shells from these batteries fired the town in different places; but owing to the nature of Roman buildings, there was but little danger of destructive fires. Numbers of shells fell in the Via Papole. The heaviest cannonading was directed against the Pincio, the Macao, or Pretorian camp, the railway terminus and St. John of Lateran’s. An incessant fire was kept up against the city gates. Towards ten the enemy’s fire slackened; numbers of their pieces had been dismounted by the accurate aim of a few Pontifical pieces in play. At ten the fire slackened. Several shells had burst in the magnificent church of St. John of Lateran’s, and the museum in the adjoining Lateran palace was destroyed. The church of the Scala Santa was riddled with cannon shot. It is so called from its containing the marble staircase which the Divine Redeemer ascended to the judgment seat of Pilate. A bomb exploded beneath the apartments of the Holy Father. At twenty minutes to eleven the white flag floated from the summit of St. Peter’s; firing immediately ceased along both lines. An armistice was accepted.

Now, according to the laws of war, during a parley, neither host should make any change in its position. But the Italian army thought fit to add fraud to the force of arms. Their forces were rapidly concentrated in the vicinity of the breach, and, profiting by its being unguarded, except by the flag of truce, they poured into the city. The extent of breach was three hundred feet in that portion of the wall adjoining the Bonaparte villa. They had not succeeded in making a breach elsewhere. At the same time the falls report of the enemy’s entering the city in all directions, was brought to the Vatican, and the order from thence given for the troops to fall back on St Peter’s. The enemy’s movement cut off the retreat of the troops to the right of the breach. At the same time as the troops, came a band of six thousand desperadoes, ready to do the work which a regular army could not undertake without destruction of discipline. It was these men that insulted and ill treated the disarmed Papal troops, and made the demonstrations in favor of the new order of things. Isolated Zouaves were massacred, one cut to pieces and the fragments promenaded through the city. The apartments occupied by the Zouave officers were entered and plundered. Nothing was respected. The loss of the Papal troops was one hundred and fifty, mostly artillerymen and dragoons. The loss of the Zouaves was twenty killed. But these are only approximate numbers. It may be somewhat more. The loss of the Italian army was admitted by them to be six hundred. Some accounts made it two thousand, and even a much greater number. It is difficult to ascertain the truth. One thing is certain, that, up to the month of October, no official list of the killed and wounded was printed.

The debris of the Papal army were reunited on the square of St. Peter’s towards four in the afternoon. Here they spent the night. The capitulation terms had been settled; the Pope to remain in possession of the Leonine city, with Fort St. Angelo, and surrounded by the Noble, the Swiss, the Urban and the Palatine Guard. These guards, with the exception of the Swiss (sixty strong), receive no pay. The foreign troops to be immediately forwarded to their respective countries by rail.

The Papal troops spent their last night in Rome at the foot of the Vatican. Two companies were drawn across the St. Angelo bridge; on the opposite side were the Bersaglieri. The next day towards twelve, the Pontifical army left Rome, receiving for the last time the blessing of the Sovereign Pontiff. As the venerable figure was seen disappearing from the window of the Vatican, an immense acclamation arose from his true and faithful troops: “Long live Pius the Ninth.” It was the Zouave Colonel who had drawn his sword for the last time and commanded this last honor. It was the first time that the Zouaves had thus saluted their beloved Sovereign, for they never cheered under arms; it vexed their very souls thus to leave Him a captive. He was so fond and so proud of them, the entrance to His presence had never been denied to the humblest individual wearing their uniform. Thus to leave Him in the midst of his enemies. Less capable of self-command, the other troops discharged their arms in the air; but a sentiment of dignity restrained this outburst of feeling amongst the Zouaves; they had never fired their shots in vain, and they still hoped in this dark hour for a better day.

They slowly moved off; not a clarion sounded, not a word was spoken; a last look was cast up to the dome of St. Peter’s and its triumphant cross; a last prayer was breathed to the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, whose ashes rest beneath the lofty dome; a farewell a prayer and a hope for the captive Vicar of Christ, as they marched out by the Angelica gate, and wound round the Vatican Hill.

But we have come to the last scene of this tragedy. The sun is shining fiercely and the air is scorching hot. The column has reached San Pancrazio gate, where the Italian army is drawn up on either side of the road, to give military honors to the capitulated garrison. Military honors, forsooth! From such slaves, fighting against their consciences, and half-starved by their masters. What miserable men! Look at their countenances; catch, if you can, their eye; they dare not uplift it; the lightning of excommunication has furrowed their brows; not one fair and open countenance; not a frank and manly face.

This painful defile ended, the arms were thrown down in a corner of the Pamphili villa, and the brave defenders of the temporal power took the rails to Porta Galera.

THE DEPARTURE FROM ROME AFTER THE SURRENDER.

[Freeman’s Journal. March 11, 1871.]

We looked not back. Eternal City, adieu! We may no longer remain by thy gates to defend thee, and to protect the Beloved Sovereign. To save this fair city he has given himself up. To preserve her for his children he remains a captive in the hands of his enemies. To leave him thus! For how long shall he so remain in chains like St. Peter? What power shall arm in the cause of Justice, and who are to be the warriors that will sweep from Rome the vile rabble that now howl in her once quiet streets, and profane her sanctuaries? When that banner of might, for the defence of right, will be unfurled, how quickly shall the sons of the Church gather around it!

Now the daughters are weeping, like the daughters of Sion; the young men may not yet form in battle array, for it is the time of expectation.

Read more

Born Julian Watts Russell, he was known to those around him by the Italian form of his name, Giulio, the name Father Cardella uses throughout, and which is preserved in this translation.

Father Cardella was a Professor of Dogmatic Theology at the Collegium Romanum (now the Pontifical Gregorian University) and later became a Consultor of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda. His booklet was translated into English that same year by William Tylee of Oriel College, Oxford, and published in London under the title Giulio Watts-Russell, Pontifical Zouave.

Twenty-seven years later, in 1895, Claud R. Lindsay wrote a sequel incorporating the original biography, adding new information and corrections prompted by the rediscovery of Giulio’s monument and the restoration of his grave at Campo Verano Cemetery in Rome, hoping to bring the story to a new generation of Englishmen.

Now, 131 years after Lindsay’s edition, Papal Zouave International has republished both biographies together as England’s Last Crusader: Papal Zouave Giulio Watts-Russell, with a new introduction by Father Nicholas Schofield, one of England’s foremost historians of the Papal Zouaves and author of Victorian Crusaders: British and Irish Volunteers in the Papal Army, 1860–70. Father Schofield’s introduction draws on recent scholarship to offer fresh insight into Giulio’s life and story, enriching the narrative beyond what was available to either Cardella or Lindsay.

We encourage all readers to purchase a copy of England’s Last Crusader. What follows is the original source: Father Cardella’s Giulio Watts Russell: Zuavo Pontificio, translated here into English for the first time in its complete form.

To learn more about the life, death, and heroism of Giulio Watts Russell, get your copy of England’s Last Crusader here: England’s Last Crusader: Papal Zouave Giulio Watts-Russell

A colorized portrait of Julian Watts-Russell

Giulio Watts Russell, Pontifical Zouave

I. The Funeral at the English College · Collegio Romano, 11 November 1867

On Saturday the 9th of this month, a tender ceremony took place in the Church of the English College: the solemn funeral rites of the young Giulio Watts Russell, of an illustrious English family, a Papal Zouave, killed in the cause of the Church near Mentana on the 3rd of November, aged seventeen years and ten months.

Five months earlier, together with his elder brother Wilfrid, he had generously enlisted among the Zouaves as a simple soldier. He fought gloriously with his brother at Nerola, then departed for Monte Rotondo, leaving Wilfrid behind in Rome, ill with fever from the hardships of the campaign. A handshake, a Pater, an Ave, and a Salve Regina murmured together — that was their farewell, at two in the morning, as Giulio, armed and pack on shoulder, was already falling into the ranks.

It was the first time they had been separated. Not twenty-four hours had passed before the generous Giulio had obtained what he most desired: to give his blood and his life Pro Petri Sede — for the See of Peter.

The day before, according to his custom, he had fortified himself with the Holy Sacraments. He fought with heroism and, as his companions attest, spoke little and prayed much. From the very start of the battle he lost his cap, carried off by a bullet; several times he ran great risk; and finally, near Mentana, he fell — a bullet that entered his right eye and wounded his brain. The shot was fired at close range by a Garibaldine soldier.

His body was set apart through the care of Mrs. Stone, who went with three Sisters of Charity onto the field. There was found upon him a handwritten devotional booklet; the last words written in Italian, which well express his pious, frank, and generous character, are these:

A Maxim for Giulio:

Anima mia, anima mia, Ama Dio e tira via
(My soul, my soul, be this thy song, love thy God and speed along)

There is also a tender prayer in French to the Most Blessed Virgin, asking her intercession for the conversion of those who, even amid their sins, have preserved a spark of devotion to her. Who knows but that the conversions of some wounded Garibaldines may not be owed to such prayers! The whole booklet is a jewel of devotion, revealing the fervent piety of the young Zouave.

He was loved by all for his innocent ways and the generosity of his heart. To understand the beauty of Giulio’s soul, it suffices to say this: not long before, having grown slightly heated with his brother over some dispute, Giulio broke it off saying: “Wilfrid, let us kneel down, make an act of contrition, and shake hands.” And so it was done — and so those brief amantium irae ended in holiness.

(Latin, from Terence: “lovers’ quarrels” — used here for brotherly disagreements.)

Well do those know how to be generous soldiers who know how to conquer themselves!

A French gentleman and a French priest brought the body from Mentana to Rome; it was embalsamated in the home of this gentleman, who had also had the privilege of taking charge of the body of the Zouave Guérin. Indeed it may be said that young Watts Russell is the Guérin of England.

The friend had placed upon the brow of the corpse, while it lay in state at his home, a crown of white roses; the Crucifix and a palm in his hands; the scapular of Mary around his neck. It was moving to see that handsome young man in his finest Zouave uniform, with a gentle smile — one almost supernatural — supple in every limb as if he slept. The wound in the eye and the bruising on the forehead seemed rather to add beauty to that face. Thus he remained exposed for more than a day, and many came to see what they called “that little Angel.”

The Zouave uniform Giulio had worn in the field, bloodied as it is, is kept for a better time, as a consolation for his father — a father well worthy of such a son.

On Friday evening the body was carried by hearse to the English College, where it was received in procession at the door by all the students and by the new Rector, Father O’Callaghan of the Oblates of St Charles in London. On Saturday morning the Office and Mass were sung. Present were Monsignor Talbot, Monsignor Stonor, English gentlemen and ladies, and several fellow Zouaves — a beautiful sight, holding their crowns and lit candles during the Mass and the funeral rites. Among them were two Zouaves, Carey and Collinridge: the first a friend of Giulio and his companion to the last in battle; the other, Carey’s cousin, and himself the brother of a brave man who, mortally wounded at Monte Libretti, had the honour of being the first among the English to die for so holy a cause.

The prevailing feeling was one of tender consolation and holy envy of the departed — and even Wilfrid, who had felt so keenly the loss of his brother, said in the end that the funeral had left upon him the impression of a festa — a celebration. The wonder and consolation of those present renewed itself when for the last time the body was uncovered to close it in its zinc coffin. That gentle smile — more beautiful than ever — and the suppleness of his whole body made it seem he slept in somno pacis — in the sleep of peace.

Toward evening he was brought to San Lorenzo, to a distinguished place, and his brother laid upon the sepulchre two wreaths of flowers gathered in the garden of the Pope, praying peace for the soul of his beloved Giulio, whom we already hope to be crowned and bearing a palm in heaven.

Upon the monument was placed this inscription:

Heic ad Martyrum cryptas dormit in pace
Julianus Watts Russell Michaelis F.
Anglus claro genere
Pro Petri Sede strenue dimicans
in acie ad Nomentum occubuit
III. Non. Novemb. an. MDCCCLXVII
an. n. XVII. mens. X.
Adolescens Christi miles
Vive in Deo.

Here, near the crypts of the Martyrs, sleeps in peace Julius Watts Russell, son of Michael, an Englishman of noble lineage, who, fighting bravely for the See of Peter, fell in battle at Mentana, on the 3rd of November, in the year 1867, aged 17 years and 10 months. A young soldier of Christ — Live in God.

II. To the Director of Il Divin Salvatore · Collegio Romano, 19 November 1867

Most esteemed Sir,

This morning I left at the printer’s for you the photograph of dear Giulio Watts Russell and a small image of St Maurice taken from his devotional booklet. Please accept this little gift, which Wilfrid sends in memory of Giulio. I must also add the thanks of Wilfrid and of his father for my brief article, which you were kind enough to include in the Divin Salvatore.

Mr. Watts Russell has already come to Rome, having learned of his son’s death. When I saw him I took his hand, saying: “I do not know whether I should first speak a word of condolence to the father, or of congratulation to the Christian.” And he, pressing my hand, after a moment of silence replied: “I am content.” And after a brief pause: “If I had ten children, I would willingly sacrifice them all to God for so holy a cause.”

I had also written to him at Saragossa and Barcelona, where he was making a devout pilgrimage with his daughter to the shrines of the Most Blessed Virgin; but the letters did not reach him in time. He learned of Giulio’s death in Marseille, reading a brief piece in L’Univers, taken from the Figaro, which stated that among the bravest of the Zouaves had died one Giulio Russell, aged twenty-one. The name was that of the younger son, the age that of the elder — it might have been either, or perhaps both. Having made the sacrifice in his heart, he came at once to Rome; and one of his first consolations was to receive immediately the article from the Divin Salvatore.

He was deeply grateful for the honours paid to the body transported from Mentana to Rome; but he added that had he been present, he would not have thought of removing his Giulio from the noble obscurity of burial at Mentana — which, before God, was the true field of his glory. He likewise declined the affectionate proposal to transport the body to England, feeling that if a place is to be chosen, no better could be found for Giulio than the Cemetery of Rome near the tombs of the Martyrs.

I must also add what I have since learned: that the good Giulio, at every rifle volley, would say an Ave to the Virgin, praying her to have mercy on the soul of whatever poor wounded man he might be sending into eternity. How much more will the Most Blessed Virgin have gathered to herself the soul of this beloved son!

Your most humble and devoted servant,
V.C., of the Company of Jesus.

III. To the same Director · Collegio Romano, 21 December 1867

Most esteemed Sir,

Allow me one final word of edification regarding my dear Zouave Giulio Watts Russell, now that his monument is being erected. A beautiful marble cross; at the base, a gilded laurel crown enclosing the monogram of Christ; and then the inscription on the marble pedestal — such is the simple monument of this soldier of Christ.

In the inscription has been placed his true baptismal name, Julianus, though he was commonly called Giulio not only in Italy but also in England and within his family, taking Giulio as a familiar form of Giuliano. The little monument stands in an excellent position, in the first row on the slope of the hill to the right of the central church of the cemetery, beside the monument of an old English General in the army of India, Mr. George Tylee, who, having come with his wife to Rome for Easter of 1865, died shortly thereafter of a violent fever — holily, in my hands — thanking God that He had led him to die in the Holy City, and that his remains might rest near the tombs of the Martyrs.

I had learned at the General’s deathbed a devout hymn of praise which he repeated to the very end, in honour of the Most Holy Trinity; and now, to my surprise, I have found it in Giulio’s devotional booklet — Giulio, who, without ever knowing the General, had learned it from a simple account I had given by letter to his father. Who would have believed that so soon I should have to place beside that brave General this young hero!

But there is another thing I had not noticed in Giulio’s booklet, far more remarkable. There is a long Protestation of devotion to the Most Blessed Virgin, which, though he there promises to recite only every Saturday, I am told he recited every day. In it he asks especially to be free from temptations at the moment of death, and expresses his desire to always carry this protestation with him as a pledge of his devotion to Mary — so that it might be found on him after death; indeed he desires to be buried with it. Now, since his death was instantaneous, it seems the devil had not even time to tempt him; and since he died fully clothed, he had the booklet with its protestation on him.

For the consolation of his father, I obtained permission to have the body disinterred and examined; and on that occasion Giulio’s sister copied out from the booklet that protestation, and his father with his own hand laid it upon the breast of this devout son. This occurred on Saturday the 23rd of November, twenty days after his death. It was surely no small consolation for the father, the sister, the brother, and a few intimate friends to see that body again — for as the father expressed it, no description had made him understand the extraordinary suppleness of that body, which seemed to have robbed death of one of its most terrible trophies.

There is another beautiful consolation for the father. His custom being to recite with his family at three in the afternoon a short devotional prayer in honour of the Agony of Jesus — on that very 3rd of November, with those words miserere animae agonizantis in egressu suo, not knowing it, he was commending in Saragossa the soul of his son who was dying on the field at Mentana at precisely that hour. Moreover, that very morning in the famous Shrine of the Virgin called del Pilar, he and his daughter had prayed specially at communion for Wilfrid and for Giulio.

(Latin: “Have mercy on the soul in its agony at its departure” — a liturgical prayer from a devotion to the Agony of Jesus.)

The greatest consolation of all is that Giulio made such a death after such a life. A few days before his death, returning from the exhausting campaign at Nerola, he was met on the street by the Countess de Redmond, who at once invited him to dine at her home. As it was a Friday, she told him that by a dispensation she had obtained, meat had been prepared — which seemed fitting for him in his state. The good Giulio replied that he could truly avail himself of the soldiers’ exemption in those days of such heavy labour; but that he preferred to keep to the common rule of the Church. And so without even tasting a spoonful of broth, he greatly enjoyed the meatless meal the lady had prepared for him.

Another day, the same lady, seeing him at Mass at San Carlo al Corso, approached to have a word with him; but she found him so absorbed in prayer that she stopped and did not dare to disturb that holy recollection. She herself told me that even in ordinary social intercourse, the sight of this young man so cheerful and composed filled her with devotion — and that the ease and joy that lit his face seemed to come not so much from the bloom of youth as from the innocence and contentment of his heart.

With this same sense of affectionate reverence speak of Giulio the Baroness Martini and the Countess of Montgelas, his aunts. The Chevalier Geneste, who knew Giulio from childhood and showed him great affection to the point of rendering him the last offices at the bier, recalls among so many things having heard from Giulio these dear words: “I cannot understand how men can find any pleasure in offending God.” Beautiful soul! He who, like you, finds all his pleasure in loving God — truly cannot understand it.

To this same Chevalier, one or two days before his departure for Mentana, Giulio said as if in jest that if he died, he should write to his father. The friend replied: Heaven forbid I should have to bring such dreadful news! “And why?” said Giulio. “Do you really think that Papa will be too grieved? On the contrary, he will thank God. Elena yes” — (his dear sister) — “will weep a little... but the Lord will console them.” And truly, tears for Giulio have been shed more of consolation than of sorrow.

The finest testimonies of affectionate esteem accompany him from earliest childhood to his death. Father Vasco of the Company of Jesus, who had him as a young boarder at the Convitto dei Nobili in Rome; Father Digby Beste, Oratorian of London, who often kept him occupied with innocent childish games in the garden of the Oratory; three students now at the English College in Rome who were his companions at Ushaw College in England; Mr. Arthur Marshall, his tutor at home; Professor Don Solfanelli, his teacher in Rome; Don Liberato Magistrato, for one year chaplain of the family in France; and Canon Don Luigi Forcioli, who as a friend of the family knew him closely in Ajaccio, and had my memorial notice reprinted by the hundreds in Corsica — translated into English, French, and German — all have only words of praise for the various stages of Giulio’s life.

Among the Zouaves, Giulio was one of the dearest. A young Zouave of his own age and intimate friend wrote that even before his holy death, Giulio was already half a saint (half-a-saint) — or as we would say in Italian, un Santarello. And another young Zouave said with innocent holy envy: “Well, Giulio certainly deserved to die — he was so good!”

It seems the Lord was thus preparing him for death, giving him at times what felt less like desire or hope than a presentiment. A friend recounts that Giulio, a few days before the battle, while seated on the edge of his bed tossing a lead bullet from one hand to the other, said: “What a fine thing it would be to send a present like this to Garibaldi!” — to which the friend replied: “But what if Garibaldi sent one to you?” — “All the better,” answered Giulio; “then I hope I would fly straight to paradise.”

The day before his departure for Mentana, the same friend heard him speak with holy cheerfulness of going to fight, as if going to a ball — or rather, to die for the Church. And his last farewell to some friends was this: “Goodbye — until we meet again in paradise.” He also said his last affectionate goodbyes to Mrs. Geneste’s two small children, saying he would pray for them in paradise, that the Lord might keep them always in their beautiful innocence. And as he departed, she from a little balcony tossed him two oranges. He caught them gracefully and said that was the last time — and returned her greeting with the words: “Until we meet again in Paradise” — and so went on his way along the street, rifle on shoulder, eating the oranges, while she watched him go with eyes full of tenderness.

It has been observed by many that as at Castel Fidardo, so now it seems God chose the most elect victims — for among the dead at Mentana are found not a few of the finest flower. It suffices to name just a few: Lieutenant Arthur Guillemin, called by his soldiers “their Guardian Angel”; Sub-Lieutenant Urbain de Quélen, called in praise of his humility “the Capuchin”; the brothers Sub-Lieutenant Emmanuel and Captain Adeodato Du Fournell; Marshal Carlo Count Bernardini; Captain De Veaux; Sergeant Rialland; Lieutenant Marquis De Quatrebarbes; Sub-Lieutenant Carlo Count D’Alcantara; and Sergeant Alfred Collinridge, who passed from the Seminary to the Zouaves in the hope of passing thence to heaven by a path akin to martyrdom — which he found at Monte Libretti. And those three heroic Dutchmen — Jong, Heycamp, and Crone.

The Holy Father himself, as soon as he learned the particulars of this death, expressed the feelings of his paternal heart in words of heartfelt sympathy, blessing the family.

I will end with the Evviva of the Inscription:

Adolescens Christi miles — Vive in Deo.
“A young soldier of Christ — Live in God.”

Your most humble and devoted servant,
V. Cardella, of the Company of Jesus.

IV. Postscript · Collegio Romano, 6 January 1868

Allow me not another letter, but only a postscript for the reprint. First I must add two fine testimonies from two of our Fathers.

Father Armellini writes to me of Giulio: “He was my penitent from childhood, when he spent two months at our Convitto dei Nobili, then again when he returned to Rome and continued his studies at home, and finally throughout his entire military life as a Papal Zouave. He frequented the sacraments with a piety and constancy that edified me singularly. I always admired in him a modesty and delicacy of conscience uncommon in young men of his temperament. He had the clearest insight into things of the soul and expressed himself with the greatest sincerity. He was deeply religious — far beyond his years — yet at the same time easy and frank, without any human respect. When he returned to Rome to enlist among the Zouaves, I marvelled to find him as pious as I had known him as a boy. The change of places and companions had produced no change whatever in his religious life. Before departing for Mentana he wished to go to the Gesù to make his confession, but was not permitted to cross the bridge; and he made his confession in Borgo with some priest. I cannot report the sentiments that accompanied the last hours of his life; but from what I knew of his conscience I am certain that that last day was for him an heroic act of religion, while from God’s side it was the greatest of gifts conferred upon that blessed soul: Raptus est ne malitia mutaret intellectum ejus.”

(Latin, Wisdom 4:11: “He was taken away, lest wickedness should alter his understanding.”)

And Father Blosi, who heard his confession several times when Father Armellini was occupied, adds: “I had the fortune of knowing him closely when he sometimes came to my confessional. Oh, what devotion, what exterior composure, what humility! Those present watched with eyes of delight as this little Angel threw himself on his knees before me, overcoming all human respect. What faith! What exactness! What compunction! I think that when at Mentana he gave up his beautiful soul to the Creator pro Petri sede, his Guardian Angel, whose likeness he bore, received his soul and presented it to the Divine Mother to whom he was so devoted.”

I myself knew him not as his confessor, but as a friend of the family. It was to me that he wrote when the two generous brothers thought of becoming Zouaves; and I replied coolly, throwing cold water on their ardour to put it to the test. Nevertheless, soon afterwards they arrived in Rome, and an hour after their arrival came to me. Then I received them with warm words and great rejoicing, and led them at once to the little chapels of St. Luigi Gonzaga and Blessed John Berchmans, where young Zouaves — especially from Belgium and Holland — often come to pray. They were enrolled immediately, and in their Zouave uniforms were presented to me by Count Redmond, who himself, even before Giulio, died holily — a victim of his charity during the cholera.

They at once accustomed themselves to the noble daily sacrifices of the laborious and humble military life of simple soldiers. Giulio told me laughing that he had quickly learned the manoeuvre of polishing his little boots and washing his gaiters; and one hot summer day we laughed at the joke that, while they had come to give their blood for the Pope, the fleas that abounded in the barracks were instead drawing his blood from him. But soon came the hour for greater sacrifices: for Wilfrid, the sacrifice of his health from the fevers of Nerola; and for Giulio, the sacrifice of his life at Mentana — a more perfect, more glorious, more fortunate sacrifice.

It seems he bore a happy presage of this in the name of the Holy Martyr given him at baptism, in a manner quite singular.

He was born at the Epiphany of 1850, in Florence, where the family was then living. His father sent the glad news by letter to a devout religious, to whose prayers he and his wife had commended the birth. The religious replied on the 11th of January, and though she must have supposed the child already baptised, she suggested three names — Gaspare, Michele, Giuliano — saying: “From these three, choose whichever you most prefer as the first, provided only that he be placed under their holy protection, which perhaps will one day obtain for him from heaven the qualities necessary to fight victoriously against the enemies of our holy Religion” — words which now take on a precise and definite meaning that could not naturally have been supposed at the time.

The letter was expected to arrive too late — yet it arrived in time, for the baptism had been deferred several days to await His Eminence Cardinal Piccolomini, who had made a promise — indeed a courteous insistence — to baptise the child himself. The Cardinal was at his villa near Siena, delayed by a mislaid letter and by the snows. The Archbishop and the Nuncio kindly offered to stand in for him; but Mr. Watts Russell — who had already waited several days, not for the pomp of the baptism, but simply for his promise — declined these honourable offers with modesty, and decided to take the child to the font without further delay. And it was precisely as he was leaving the house that the letter arrived in good time. Thus, instead of the names already settled upon, the child received as his first name Giuliano — which, as I said, was later shortened in the family to Giulio.

And in another letter of 22 February 1850, the religious added concerning the martyr St. Julian whose feast falls on the 9th of January: “Saint Julian, Martyr of Antioch, offers the precious example of a simple wisdom united with purity and courage — virtues so greatly to be desired in these sad times, and which I ardently wish for my little Giuliano... So it will be no wonder if in his day God grants him the grace, as to St. Julian, of drawing behind him thousands of generous souls in the practice of virtue, who like him may not fear even death in defence of our Holy Religion.”

So ends the truly Christian auspice at the birth of Giulio — and it finds so beautiful an echo in his death. Indeed, from various accounts I receive, it seems that the good odour of his young sacrifice, spreading wherever he was known, is gently drawing many souls to God — perhaps more than the good odour of his example in a longer life might have done.

For all of this, praise be to God, who — in the beautiful words of St. Mary Magdalene de’ Pazzi — in certain chosen souls does not merely take pleasure, but takes delight.

Your most humble and devoted servant,
V. Cardella, of the Company of Jesus.

Prayers from Giulio’s Devotional Booklet

The following three prayers were found in Giulio’s handwritten devotional booklet. The first is attributed to St. Germaine Cousin; the second is by an English Carmelite nun who died in the odour of sanctity two centuries prior; the third is a popular devotion from Spain. Giulio carried this booklet on his person at Mentana. They are translated here for the first time into English, from the Italian versions copied in Giulio’s hand.

1.

O Mary! obtain, I beseech You, for all those souls who, even amid their sins, have preserved in the depths of their heart the smallest spark of love, the faintest devotion toward You — oh, obtain that their chains may be broken, and that they may be preserved from eternal death. Amen.

2.

O most glorious and ever Immaculate Virgin Mary, Mother of my God, I protest that I wish always to be Your humble and devoted servant. I promise to revere You often, and to love You always, and to invoke You always; and from this moment I will rejoice to serve You until my last hour and at the moment of my death.

But oh, at that moment restrain for me the infernal spirits, who might then place evil images in my mind and lay dangerous snares for me; so that through Your intercession and protection, which can never fail those who seek it, I may one day and for ever adore the Majesty of God in His holy Court of heaven, beneath Your mantle and at Your feet.

Meanwhile I resolve — and I wish this resolve to be a promise to You — to ask You more than once a day for Your maternal blessing; and this will be my first act in the morning and my last at night. At the same time, when I can do so without being noticed, I will kiss the ground. I will also each day give a small alms to some poor person, or at least a spiritual alms to the holy souls in purgatory, in memory and honour of You, so that You, at my death, may give me the glad news of an eternal happy life at Your feet.

I will endeavour to carry this protestation with me in life and in death, so that it may be found upon me; and I desire also to be buried with it — (I desire also that it may be buried with me) — as a sign of defiance against all hell, and of the cordial trust which I have and shall always have in Your prayers and protection, O most holy Queen of heaven, Mother of my God, and my Mother.

Meanwhile, every Saturday I will read this protestation on my knees, to refresh often the memory of Your presence, and that as I rejoice to think of You, so too You may deign to take perpetual care of my poor soul.

3.

Blessed and praised be the Most Holy Trinity —
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.

Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God of hosts.
Full are the heavens and the earth of the majesty of Your glory.

Glory to the Father.
Glory to the Son.
Glory to the Holy Spirit.

I believe in the Most Holy Trinity.
I hope in the Most Holy Trinity.
I love the Most Holy Trinity.
I repent of having offended the Most Holy Trinity.
I desire to see the Most Holy Trinity.

Amen.

Read the full story of Giulio Watts Russell

Check out England’s Last Crusader: Papal Zouave Giulio Watts-Russell — republished by Papal Zouave International, with a new introduction by Father Nicholas Schofield, author of Victorian Crusaders: British and Irish Volunteers in the Papal Army, 1860–70.

Get your copy here → https://amzn.to/4maeZpT

Join the Ranks!

Americans Rally to the Pope

In the fall of 1867, the Lazio region, the last territory of the Papal States, came under attack from a group of revolutionaries under Giuseppe Garibaldi was a 19th-century anti-clerical Italian revolutionary hell-bent on unifying Italy at any cost. His army of followers, known as the Red Shirts, shared his republican ideology and were willing to do whatever it took to make that vision a reality. With the backing of the Piedmontese, the Red Shirts sought to take Rome and topple the temporal power of the Pope once and for all. None of the Catholic powers were willing to lend aid to the Pope during this difficult time. While it seemed bleak, the Papal Army fought on, through glorious sacrifices and some French assistance, the Pontificals succeeded in repelling the invading force at the Battle of Mentana on November 3, 1867.

The victory at Mentana galvanized Catholics worldwide, inspiring many to rally to the Pope’s standard. Recruitment among the Papal Zouaves surged, particularly among Canadians, English, Irish, and Dutch volunteers. The impact of this victory even reached America, where it stirred a deep sense of duty among the faithful. Men such as Charles Tracey, a future congressman fromNew York, left their comfortable lives in the States to fight for the Holy Father. Charles Jerche, a student at St. Xavier’s College in New York City, was another volunteer, who was moved by the sight of Canadian Papal Zouaves marching through the city on their way to Rome. Jerche was compelled to join their cause and set off alongside them to defend the Holy Father. Others contacted their bishops to inquire about how they might contribute to the cause. Archbishop Spalding of Baltimore sent a letter to Cardinal Barnabò the Prefect of the Propagande Fide after some young men in his diocese asked how they could join the Papal Army:

Some young men from good families in this area would like to offer themselves to our most beloved Holy Father, to enlist in the Papal military and fight, even shedding their blood if necessary, for the defense of His Holy Person. Now, in order to respond to these good young men, I would first like to know: would they be accepted, and under what conditions? Also, if their number is not sufficient, would they still be accepted, or must they form an entire Company?[1]

These were fair questions because before the 1867 campaign there were no large groups of Americans heading to Rome to defend the Pope and his temporal power. Cardinal Barnabò replied on February 17, 1868, and discouraged Americans from volunteering to fight but rather, he requested they donate financially:

As for those young men who wish to come to Rome and enter into the service of the Holy Father in his army, I must say that the financial constraints of the treasury, on the one hand, do not allow for too great an increase in the number of soldiers, although many of those we currently have are maintained at the expense of Catholics. On the other hand, if the army were to grow significantly, it might not be possible to avoid a serious political complication.[2]

While the Vatican behind the scenes seemed to discourage Americans from volunteering, some of the laity in the public sphere were enthusiastic about the prospect. The idea of an American Papal Army contingent originated with James McMaster, the editor of the New York Freeman’s Journal and Catholic Register. McMaster was a conservative, ultramontanist, and a state’s rights Democrat and his paper reflected his values. A week after the Battle of Mentana, taking inspiration from the Canadian Papal Zouave contingent , McMaster wrote an editorial that the United States should raise an American Papal Zouave company, “Our suggestion would run thus: One company a maximum of one hundred and twelve officers and privates. To be accepted, a certificate of a parish priest, countersigned by the Bishop of the Diocese, to be required, certifying to the moral and religious character of the applicant.” Additionally, it was proposed that the applicants pass a rigorous physical examination and that the company “would be a religious Confraternity, like the old knights of St. John.”[3]

While it was merely an editorial, the readers of the Freeman’s Journal thought it was a call to action, and that the paper was the principal organizer of the company. Letters and funds began arriving asking for more details about how to provide assistance; even veterans from both sides of the American Civil War inquired. One priest from Wisconsin even offered McMaster two soldiers who could be employed immediately.[4] The large support was a pleasant surprise for McMaster, since he thought the editorial would just galvanize “prominent Catholic laymen”[5] to approach their bishops and start the process. However, he now believed due to the immensity of the support that a much larger battalion sized force could be raised instead of a company and he wrote on January 25, 1868 that those planning its formation could “use of our columns to further the design, and, according to our means, our own contribution.”[6] However, it was imperative they received support from the American hierarchy as “Without the spiritual direction of some of our Prelates and their blessing and oversight, we have not faith in the success of any such undertaking.”[7]

Former U.S. Army Brigadier General Charles Tevis became one of the prominent laymen to spearhead the project. Tevis had a very interesting military career. Graduating from West Point, he originally served in the U.S. Army from 1849-1853. He left the Army in 1853, travelled to Paris, and converted to the Catholic Faith, and then announced plans to become an officer in the Pope’s army.[8] However, that plan changed when he accepted commission as a major in the imperial Ottoman army and fought in the Crimean War Through his service on the battlefield, Tevis was promoted to lieutenant colonel. He left the Ottoman Army in 1855, returned to Paris, and then returned to the United States in 1859. During the outbreak of the Civil War, his experience was recognized by the Union and he received a commission as a lieutenant colonel in the 4th Delaware Volunteer Infantry Regiment on August 18, 1862. Tevis had a successful Civil War record until he was tasked with organizing and leading the 3rd Maryland Volunteer Cavalry, a regiment consisting of hundreds of Confederate prisoners of war, many of whom had been captured at the Battle of Gettysburg and had agreed to serve the Union. Tevis’s new unit was assigned with overseeing elections in Maryland, which was a difficult task as during the Civil War, Maryland was deeply divided between Union and Confederate loyalties.

Things escalated when Tevis, in an attempt to follow General Orders No. 53 and 55, which were meant to prevent Confederate sympathizers from voting, issued a controversial proclamation urging voters to support the “Government ticket”, which was the Unconditional Union Party. His order implied that only the Union-endorsed ticket would be recognized as loyal to the government. The situation worsened when some of his men arrested political opponents, rival candidates, and election officials. As a result, General Schneck, his superior officer, ordered Tevis’s arrest. However, after an investigation, it was determined Tevis was acting in good faith and had been misled by his Provost Marshall Captain John Frazier who had written the order. While his actions were wrong, they did not warrant imprisonment, he was released and honorably discharged with a brevet rank[9] of Brigadier General.[10] After the Civil War, Tevis became involved with the Fenian Brotherhood, serving as an Adjutant General and helped plan an invasion of Canada in 1866 to support Irish independence. Logistical failures led to the operation’s collapse and his dismissal. Secretly, Tevis was a paid agent of the British Crown, providing intelligence to undermine the Fenians after he had a rift with their leadership.

General Tevis During the Civil War. Library of Congress.

General Tevis, now went to Rome to fulfill a promise he made almost fifteen years earlier.[11] He desired to see the American Papal Zouave Battalion come to fruition. In an editorial in the Freeman’s Journal he wrote:

From the North of Europe, from the West, from the South, from Asia, Africa, Canada, the Indies, even from New Zealand zealous champions of the Church have hurried to her defense; and yet from the United States—the nation of soldiers—two men only have been found willing to take up the musket for their faith.[12]…Among the six millions of Catholics in the United States, can no one be found willing to take the initiative?...The expense of a Papal Zouave has been calculated to be five hundred francs, only one hundred dollars in gold per annum. Surely among the wealthy Catholics of America some could be found who could contribute…Let the priests, the bishops all the faithful Catholics in the United States imitate the noble example of Catholics of Europe, and show to the world that America is not deaf to the call of religion and justice.[13]

The Freeman’s Journal also requested additional funds to support the initiative. On March 7, the newspaper sent $625 to the Cardinal Vicar of Rome with the address:

Most Holy Father: We learn that the foes of religion and well-ordered human society are in arms to destroy your independence, that we recognize to be essential to the peaceful government of the Catholic Church throughout the world. We therefore ask the privilege of furnishing a well-appointed force of Catholic soldiers, to the number of…men, and to support these, at our own expense, as a rampart for you, as the visible Head of the Church, and Vicar of Christ, against your enemies![14]

The American fund received a significant boost from Mr. George Peabody, a wealthy American who was in Rome at the time. Before departing to America, he contributed five million francs to the Pontifical treasury.[15] Another American from St. Louis sent multiple letters to General Kanzler, Commander of the Papal Military and Minister of War, saying he had both men and funds ready, they just needed permission and additional details.[16] Letters from multiple people were also sent to the American consul for the Papal States, Edward Cushman, asking if they could proceed with raising troops in America for the Pope.[17] Cushman sent a letter on April 20 to Hon. William H. Seward, the Secretary of State to ask if this was legal. A negative response was received on May 12, [18] indicating an act of Congress had rendered all foreign enlistment illegal.[19] Instead of informing American Catholics that they were not allowed to serve in the Papal Army, Cushman remained silent.[20] This is likely because, although a Protestant, he sympathized with the Holy Father and his present condition in Italy. His spirit of adventure compelled him to accompany a column of Papal troops for several days during the 1867 campaign, including their capture of Nerola. While with them, there were two occasions where he was targeted by Garibaldians. To protect himself he picked up a rifle and fired back, later he also went to a hospital to care for the wounded on both sides. The State Department was furious and reprimanded Cushman, which would eventually lead to him being replaced in April, 1869.[21] For the Americans who were interested in joining the Papal Army, they likely didn’t know about the neutrality act, or they didn’t think it applied to them since the Papal States weren’t at war with United States allies.

The Battalion is Approved

Tevis was making headways with General Kanzler and the Pope. Kanzler wrote to Tevis in early February encouraging him to raise money for the Papal Army. Which he began to do in earnest by continuing his columns in the Freeman’s Journal and republishing his letter with Kanzler:

Ministero Delle Armi,

Rome, Feb. 6, 1868.

To Gen. Carroll Tevis:

My Dear General—You have often manifested to me your desire to prove the attachment you have to the Sovereign Pontiff, and to his august independence. You ask me what specific form you had best give to the sentiments of your Catholic countrymen, in favor of our defense of the Pontifical Throne, which, certainly, is one of the most remarkable pages in contemporaneous history.

In answer to your generous intentions, already known, and to your good will, I reply by a summary statement of the needs of our little army, called already, and, perhaps, again to become, in the hands of Providence, the instrument of His benedictions.

There has been, in the face of the danger that has threatened us, so rapid an increase of this army that we have been obliged to put restraints on its expansion. The outburst of sentiment has been in all parts of the world, but our condition requires that it be held to normal limits. What has, already, taken place has occasioned a very heavy increase of expenses.

To this rapid increase of numbers in the Army, the cost of the late campaign against the invaders is to be added. We have to support, moreover, as you know, the expenses of important defensive works at Rome and at Civita Vecchia, and an entire re-arming, with new fire-pieces, of our infantry. You are aware, then, that neither men, nor the material of war are failing us. But, you are aware, that, despite our rigid economies in administration, the war budget, under these exceptional circumstances, has been heavily burdened.

And, you, also, know, that, in these exceptional circumstances, the Government of Victor Emmanuel refuses to pay the debt agreed on as due by the Provinces of which, by outrageous robbery, the Holy See has been despoiled.

From this statement of facts, my dear General, you can draw, as I do, this conclusion: The pressing need of the Holy See is for the generous offerings of Catholic hearts, to aid the Holy Father, powerfully, in face of his enemies. This, in one word, is what I would ask of your good will to communicate to your fellow countrymen. It is thus they can best aid in the common work. If you can promote collections and subscriptions for this object, in favor of the defense of the Pope, you and your noble-minded countrymen will have deserved well of the holiest of causes.

Accept, my dear General, the assurance of my very affectionate esteem:

Kanzler,

Minister of War.[22]

Tevis even made a large donation of $500 to the Freeman’s Journal American Papal Defense .[23] He was made a chamberlain of the Sword and Cape, one of the first Americans to receive the honor, by Pope Pius IX in March.[24] Tevis finally obtained an audience with Pius IX on May 9, where he convinced the Holy Father to approve a contingent of Americans. However, instead of a company of Papal Zouaves, they were an entire separate Battalion of Americans, called the Chasseurs Americans.[25] Tevis was put in charge with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and Charles Rondot was chosen as second in command with the rank of Major.[26]

Emboldened by his new position and authority, Tevis reached out to Catholic publications such as the Freeman’s Journal and Morning Star and Catholic Messenger to drum up recruits and support for the Chasseurs Americains. In a letter to the Morning Star and Catholic Messenger on May 11 he wrote:

Dear Sir—In the New York Freeman’s Journal of a recent date I have seen an extract from your paper which quoting a passage from one of my letters, expressed an approval of the movement in aid of the Holy Father.

Some two months since, I had the honor to forward to his Excellency, the Archbishop of New Orleans, the copy of a letter addressed to me by General Kanzler, the Papal Minister of Arms, in which I was requested to intimate to American Catholics the manner by which they could best aid the cause. It is but justice to my countrymen to state that they have responded generously to the appeal, no only by money, but by offers of service.

The imminence of a general European war, and the danger of a withdrawal of French troops from Civitia Vecchia, has so modified the policy of the Pontifical Government, that His Holiness has been pleased to direct the minister of arms to accept the services of a battalion from America, provided that the expenses of the corps be defrayed by their Catholic fellow-countrymen, for, as you are well aware the resources of Pius IX will not admit of this outlay.

In order to obtain the proper guarantees for the mortality and sincerity of the volunteers—officers and men—the entire movement must be placed under the direct supervision of the clergy and, for this purpose a circular from his Eminence, Cardinal Barnabò will be sent to the different bishops, who will take such measures as in their judgement will best promote the good work. With the advice and consent of the minister of arms, I now earnestly solicit the assistance of the Catholic press in the collection of funds and the enrollment of volunteers hoping that all differences of political feeling will be laid aside, and that all will forget that they are Northerners or Southerners, to remember only that they are Catholics, fighting for the cause of their faith.

Among the discharged Confederate soldiers there must be many devout Catholics who will gladly join the defense of the successor of St. Peter and to them I appeal.

It has been decided here that the corps will be called “Chasseaurs Americains,” enlisted for three years; all officers to be appointed by the Pontifical Minister of Arms.

The fear of interference on the part of the present Radical government at Washington, will necessitate great prudence in the organization and to arrange this movement, I would suggest that any officer desirous of serving as such, should at once communicate with me, sending on a statement of their age, present occupation, record of past services, number of men whom they can enroll, and when they can be ready to start. This will be submitted to the department here for approval and action. I will add that no officer or enlisted man will be accepted without the written recommendation of his parish priest, countersigned by the bishop of the diocese.

You will readily understand that it is most desirable to secure men who know the extent of the sacrifices required of them, and who are not in any way infected with revolutionary ideas; in short, earnest sincere Catholics, who will fight from a sense of duty, and who will not grumble because they are badly and insufficiently fed, and subjected to very severe discipline. No one should be deceived on these points—the spending money of a Pontifical soldier amounts to about two cents per diem, the sum allotted for his subsistence to eight cents.

To cover the first expenses of equipment, armament, encampment, journey to Rome, and pay for the first year, something like two hundred and fifty dollars, in gold, for each man will be required; consequently, all enrollments made should be based upon this calculation.

I would suggest that a committee be formed, under the direction of the archbishop, to collect funds and select volunteers, and that a division of labor among those persons who may be selected as proper candidates for appointment to positions of commissioned and non-commissioned officers, according to the system pursued in the Propaganda, will greatly expedite matters. It is urgent that the corps should be in Rome, ready for service, on or before the first of September, 1868.

Allow me again to express a hope that your paper, as well as the other Catholic journals, will contribute their efforts to advance the good work.

I have the honor to be very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Caroll Tevis.[27]

For his part, Pius IX would not let foreign enlistment acts prevent faithful sons of the Church from joining his army. The Papal Army had already worked around similar laws concerning the Irish, English, and Canadians. On May 13, a circular was sent by Cardinal Barnabò to the Bishops of the United States, sharing the approval of the American Battalion by Pope Pius IX and the conditions stipulating its formation:

Read more

Partial mosaic at the Basilique du Sacré-Cœur de Montmartre in Paris.
General Sonis and General Charette present the banner of the Sacred Heart (the battle standard of the Volunteers of the West) to Christ at the Basilica. To the right stand Louis XVI and Marie-Antoinette, depicted among those united in fidelity to the Sacred Heart. In stark contrast, a French revolutionary turns his back, arms crossed in visible contempt. The symbolism is unmistakable: the Revolution and the Republic recoil from devotion to the Sacred Heart, while the faithful embrace it, even to the point of laying down their lives. The mosaic presents a powerful vision of true Catholic patriotism, rooted in sacrificial fidelity to Christ.

Patriotist is a natural virtue, a consequence of the fourth commandment of God’s Law: Thou shalt honor thy father and thy mother. The very word Patriotism derives from the Latin, Pater, Father. Just as the knight was called to honor his parents, he was also called to honor and love the country in which he was born, the culture which he received in childhood and adolescence. The French knights loved France and the Teutonic Knights loved Germany, just as every knight loved his country.

Very interesting was the views of a Knight from Flanders, who, when he arrived in the Holy Land for the Crusade, exclaimed that Palestine was a very ugly land, and he almost said that Our Lord Jesus Christ would have been done much better if he had been born in his country, in Flanders:

“I am much amazed, that God, Son of Holy Mary, have come to live in such a desert.” He accepted that Palestine was a Holy Land only because the Lord had chosen to be born there, but He might have done much better if he had chosen his own Flanders…

In the farewell of William of Orange, when he left France for the Crusade, you see the same concrete love in the simple symbolism of his gesture. This is a description of the event:

Towards the sweet France, he turns, and the wind of France comes and touches his face. He opens his shirt so the wind of France may come in. And placed against the wind, he falls on his knees and says, ‘Oh sweet blue of wind that comes from France, there they are all those whom I love. I deliver into the hands of the Lord God, all of you, because for me, I know I shall never see you again.’ And he departed from the crusade.

The word motherland (in French it is a feminine word), was considered to be the spouse of the Knight, and, when he died in combat, his motherland would become a widow.

Although chivalry existed in various forms all over Europe during several centuries, its great mark was in France in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. But unfortunately, the word chivalry conjures up today a host of images for many people, mostly distortions or outright lies. Hollywood often portrays knights as greedy, ineffectual, hypocritical womanizers (such as in “Kingdom of Heaven”). University students learn how knights were supposedly members of an oppressor class who killed or raped peasants on a whim.

On the contrary, chivalry had a high code of conduct that was strictly enforced by fellow knights. Its main tenets were summarized in the Commandments which French Historian Leon Gautier compiled from primary sources from the Middle Ages. Chivalry was essentially military valor put to the service of the Catholic Church, of the good, and of the right, by men who loved their countries and fought against evildoers and infidels.

Pope Leo XIII in his encyclical letter Immortale dei (paragraph 21) explains the nature of the countries inspired by the Gospel of Jesus Christ, which was the goal of the knight’s love and preference:

There was once a time when States were governed by the philosophy of the Gospel. Then it was that the power and divine virtue of Christian wisdom had diffused itself throughout the laws, institutions, and morals of the people, permeating all ranks and relations of civil society. Then, too, the religion instituted by Jesus Christ, established firmly in befitting dignity, flourished everywhere, by the favor of princes and the legitimate protection of magistrates; and Church and State were happily united in concord and friendly interchange of good offices.

The State, constituted in this wise, bore fruits important beyond all expectation, whose remembrance is still, and always will be, in renown, witnessed to as they are by countless proofs which can never be blotted out or ever obscured by any craft of any enemies.

The Pope reenforced the view that the spirit that inspired chivalry changed barbarians into men of virtue, and even saints.

Christian Europe has subdued barbarous nations, and changed them from a savage to a civilized condition, from superstition to true worship. It victoriously rolled back the tide of Mohammedan conquest; retained the headship of civilization; stood forth in the front rank as the leader and teacher of all, in every branch of national culture; bestowed on the world the gift of true and many-sided liberty; and most wisely founded very numerous institutions for the solace of human suffering. And if we inquire, how it was able to bring about so altered a condition of things, the answer is-beyond all question, in large measure, through religion, under whose auspices so many great undertakings were set on foot, through whose aid they were brought to completion.

It is perfectly understandable that the Knight loved and was devoted to his country of birth, since his country was deeply inspired by religion and produced fruits unprecedented at the times. Among the Polish knights, especially the heroic winged hussars who crushed the Turkish invaders of Vienna, there was little difference between the love of the Church and the love of their country, Poland.

How does a Catholic man today fulfill the fourth commandment - Love the country where you were born?

1. Firstly, by learning about the Church teaching on Christian civilization, whereby a sound patriotism does not despise other countries but gives the first place to one’s own;

2. Secondly, by fulfilling one’s civic and political duties, not allowing them to be neglected or forgotten, in his life;

3. Thirdly, by striving to protect his country against invaders, either by military or by illegal immigration, defending the laws in vigor;

4. Fourthly, by joining forces with like-minded countrymen, to oppose and fight those who want to destroy the nation by subjecting it to an outside power, such as the United Nations;

5. Fifthly, by praying for his country, for those who govern it, by standing up and being counted in issues of importance for the nation, such as defense of the pre-born, combatting socialism, defending the family against anti-natural behavior, and corruption among politicians and bad clergy.

Devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus is a major element in the soul of every Knight – every Catholic man - who loves and honors his country.

In the times of civil war in Spain, when Catholics stood up against the Communists, the motto of Catholics was inspired by the Sacred Heart of Jesus, who would have said, “Regnabo in Hispania”, I shall reign in Spain! We could appropriately say, regarding the same Sacred Heart of Jesus, King of Kings and Lord of Lords, Regnabo in America, I shall reign in America!

Some years ago, on Pentecost day, I was privileged to attend a traditional Latin Mass at the basilica of Chartres, in France, with all the pomp and ceremony of the Church tradition, with choir, organ, trumpets and drums. Over ten thousand people, most of them young, filled the basilica, many of them carrying the flags of every country in the world. They had spent three days walking, from Notre-Dame basilica in Paris to Notre-Dame basilica in Chartres.

At the solemn moment of the Consecration, while only the bells were heard in the majestic silence of the medieval Cathedral, indicating the heavenly reality that the King of Kings and Lord of Lords was present in the hands of the celebrating bishop, all national flags were lowered before the Sacred Host being elevated, indicating the subjection of every country to Our Lord Jesus Christ. I was most impressed and moved to see a young man carrying an American flag, in which the Sacred Heart of Jesus was depicted among the stars. I couldn’t but exclaim in the silence of my heart and mind, God bless America!

Sir Raymond J. de Souza ☧

Sir Raymond J. de Souza is a Knight of the Equestrian Order of the Holy Sepulcher of Jerusalem, Defenders of the Catholic Faith.

www.RaymonddeSouza.com

Join the Ranks!

Some members of the Canadian detachment of Papal Zouaves, March 1868.

Originally published in The New York Freeman’s Journal and Catholic Register April 22, 1871.

Nos Croisés (our Crusaders)—or a History of the Expedition of the Canadian Volunteers to Rome for the Defence of the Church. Published in French, by the firm of Fabre & Gravel, Montreal.

The author was unfortunately absent from Rome during the siege, being unable to proceed through France with the additional contingent he had gone to Canada to bring over. The volume forms an octavo of 335 pages. In the appendix is given a list of all the Canadians enrolled in the Papal army. Canada sent to Rome seven detachments, the last of which did not reach the Eternal City. The number of Canadians who served in the Zouave Regiment, amounts to five hundred and forty-two hundred and fifteen of whom were present at the siege. The number of deaths in the service amounts to nine. With a few exceptions, the composition of these detachments is French Canadian, the English speaking Catholics in Canada not having taken any part in this movement. This is easily explicable, as, being recent settlers in the country, they have not the same means at their disposal.

This work will probably be translated into English.1 It comprises a letter from the Bishop of Montreal; the history of the movement in Canada for the organization of a Papal contingent; the Canadians in France; the Seventh detachment in Brittany; the Zouaves in Rome, and the taking of Rome. This latter part furnishes some valuable pages. The different Canadian detachments went to Rome under the guidance and direction of chaplains named by his Lordship, the Bishop of Montreal. In their long voyages no trouble or disorder of any kind ever occurred. In reading these pages we are carried back to very distant times—we can hardly realize that such a thing as a Crusade did really occur in this century. It did, but in very small proportions—may be the harbinger of something more colossal than the great Crusades of the middle ages. There are some touching anecdotes given in the interesting pages of “Nos Croisés.” We shall select one amongst many:

“Eugene had reached his sixteenth year. Gifted with a mild and sympathetic disposition—he was the beloved comrade of all his fellow-collegians. Full of life and gayety, how was it that at times a dark shade would pass over his beaming countenance, and that, fleeing from his companions, he would seek solitude, oftentimes in the Sanctuary. Eugene was not happy; oh no, life was bitter to him. The scandalous and disorderly conduct of his father was the source of his grief. His family was being ruined and desolated by one who ought to have been the joy and support of it. When on a holiday, Eugene would go to his mother’s, it would be to behold her sorrows, and his heart would be breaking at the sight. Could he only, by some prodigious effort, hasten on his studies and help his mother and three little sisters in their deep misery.

He hears in December, ’67, that young Canadians are going to fight for Holy Church. The grandeur, the sublimity of this act enkindles his enthusiasm. He decides on leaving with them, and asks his mother’s consent.

“Mamma,” he says, “you know that many young Canadians are on the point of leaving for Rome to defend the Holy See; well, with all my heart do I desire to be a Pope’s Zouave; I only want your permission; you will not refuse me?” He throws himself into his weeping mother’s arms.

“My dear child, I admire your faith and your courage. I feel very proud of it; this holy enthusiasm shows me the elevation of your sentiments; but Eugene, we are not in a position to allow your following this up; alas! how your poor father acts to his family; and how can I remain alone with your little sisters? who shall console me, if you leave, and who will help our misery?”

“Dear mother, the Holy Father is said to be so good, and I shall see him, and ask his blessing for you; the benediction of the Vicar of Jesus Christ abounds in consolations.”

“My son, how can you stand the privations and hardships of a soldier? You have not considered all the miseries and fatigues, so hard for one so young and feeble, unaccustomed to manual labor; you will not be able to stand it.”

“A soldier’s life will strengthen me; after two years’ service, I shall return a strong, able-bodied man, and I will toil for you.”

“But if you fall on the battle-field?”

“Then, dear mamma, you shall have all the gain.”

“What do you mean, Eugene?”

“God would then have accepted the sacrifice which I offer him... my life for your happiness and for... above all... the conversion of my father.”

The mother’s heart was overflowing with grief, yet, with joy; pressing her child to her bosom, and raising her eyes to heaven: “And I too, my child, I offer up generously the sacrifice, go my son, God bless you. God will give me the courage to sustain the separation.”

Eugene left for Rome. “Mother,” he said, on leaving, “when I return, papa will be a worthy father, or he will have died repentant.”

Read more

Emblem of the League of St. Sebastian. Annual Report of the League, 1875.

On 14 October 1870 the steamship India arrived in Liverpool after a long, difficult journey from Livorno, carrying many of the surviving British (and some Canadian) members of the Pontifical Zouaves. Rome had fallen and the atmosphere at the docks was muted; nevertheless, a small crowd awaited them, and a banquet was held for a select group at the city’s prestigious Adelphi hotel. The Zouaves then dispersed and returned to their homes, their expenses being met, if necessary, by the Papal Defence Committee. One Zouave, Frederick Woodward, arrived gravely sick and died three days later, having been nursed by the Oblate Fathers. He was buried at Anfield Cemetery.

This was not, however, the end of the story; nor were the campaigns and duties of the Zouaves between 1861 and 1870 its beginning. It is important to stress that the Pontificate of Pius IX saw a huge mobilisation of the Catholic laity in defence of the pope and his temporal power. Aided by speedier transport and communications, and an increasingly confident and politicised laity, associations were formed, collections made for Peter’s Pence, petitions and protests signed, pamphlets and journals published, meetings arranged, and pilgrimages organised. It is within this context that we should see the volunteer movement to bear arms in defence of the Holy Father.

Having returned home, the Zouaves and their supporters were keen to continue the cause. Pius IX suggested that ‘in all countries the Catholic Laity, in conjunction with the Clergy, should form themselves into Associations for the defence of Catholic interests’ in general and the temporal power in particular.1 An international gathering of concerned laity took place in Geneva at the end of October 1870, a matter of weeks after Porta Pia, to discuss the material support of the pope (now without a kingdom), organise a transnational movement to protest against the taking of the temporal power and work for its restoration, and establish an “Office of Correspondence and Information.” The aim, reported The Tablet, was the formation of a “Universal Catholic Brotherhood” which would not only work for the pope’s sovereignty but “advance the social Reign of Christ on earth.”2

By 26 December 1870, 503,347 signatures had been added to a “Filial Address” to the pope from British Catholics. A large meeting was held at St James’ Hall in London, with the Archbishop of Westminster in the chair. It resolved that the “violent occupation of the City of Rome” was sacrilegious, that it constituted an attack on the liberty of the Church and the “dispositions of Divine Providence,” and that it violated not only papal sovereignty but “the rights on which all Civil States are founded.”3 Similar events were held in Ireland; during a meeting held at Thurles Cathedral, the MP for Tipperary stated that “the youth of our country are ready once more to don the uniform of the famous Papal Zouave (loud cheers)—and to join in a new crusade to recover for the Holy Father his ancient dominions (loud cheers).”4

In the aftermath of the fall of Rome, new Catholic associations were formed. On 10 February 1871 the Catholic Union was established in London, under the presidency of the Duke of Norfolk, exclusively consisting of Catholic laymen and aiming to promote the restoration of the temporal power by legal means and “concentrate the moral influence of the whole Catholic world on public opinion and to keep alive in the consciences of men the sense of public crime.”5 This was soon broadened to represent all issues of Catholic interest; the organisation continues today, acting as a witness to the Faith in the public square.

Closely associated with the Catholic Union was the League of St Sebastian, the subject of this article, which was established a few days later on 13 February 1871. It consisted primarily of those who had served under the colours of Pius IX to promote his legitimate rights as Sovereign of the Papal States and stand ready for action, if appropriate. Unlike the Catholic Union, it was seen as a military organisation, especially in its early days. When a Te Deum was arranged for the pope’s jubilee at London’s Italian Church in 1871, for example, a League advertisement stated that “all ex-Pontifical soldiers are requested to attend” in uniform.6 St Sebastian seemed an appropriate patron: a member of Diocletian’s Imperial Guard who had been martyred for the Faith and transfixed with arrows—a symbol of a Church that was both militant and suffering.

Membership

Membership of the League grew quickly: in January 1872 there were 394 members and a year later 824, including 66 “active” members. Most lived in England but there were 330 in Ireland and 101 in Scotland.7 There was a distinction between “active” and “honorary” membership, borrowed from other Victorian associations, such as the Rifle Volunteers that could be found in most British localities from 1859, when an imminent invasion from Napoleon III’s France was feared.

Active League members were soldiers-veterans of the papal army, mostly former Zouaves-who paid an annual subscription of 10 shillings; initially only these could serve on the Council. Honorary members paid 5 shillings and could be of either gender. Such a subscription was, by definition, only open to the wealthier classes, at a time when an agricultural labourer (for example) earned around 12 shillings a week. With this in mind, associate membership was available for a yearly sum of 1 shilling.

Upper class supporters included the Duke of Norfolk (the premier non-royal peer), the Marquess of Bute (regarded as the wealthiest man in Britain), the Earls of Denbigh and Gainsborough (both previously involved in the Papal Defence Committee, which had supported Zouave volunteers), the Earl of Granard (an Irish peer who had converted to Catholicism in 1869), the Marchioness of Lothian (one of Manning’s converts, married to a prominent Tory politician), Countess Tasker of Middleton Hall, Brentwood (who had inherited a vast fortune from her businessman father Joseph Tasker and was subsequently ennobled by the pope), and Lord Walter Kerr (who would end his naval career as Admiral of the Fleet).

Read more

Bl. Pope Pius IX, Jefferson Davis, a Confederate flag with the Papal Tiara and Keys, alongside the Davis Family Crown of Thorns

In the summer of 1863, as the American Civil War raged on, an unlikely correspondence began between two men who would come to share a profound mutual sympathy, Bl. Pope Pius IX and Confederate President Jefferson Davis. Both would eventually lose their temporal power, and both would find in each other a kindred spirit shaped by suffering and faith.

A Pope’s Appeal for Peace

Bl. Pius IX was deeply troubled by the horrors of the war in America. That summer, he sent a joint letter to the archbishops of New Orleans and New York, expressing his desire for peace and urging them to use their influence to bring the conflict to an end.

After reading Bl. Pius IX’s letter to the bishops—which had been published in the newspapers—Confederate President Jefferson Davis decided to send Dudley Mann, a Confederate Commissioner, to Rome with a personal letter addressed to the Holy Father.

An engraving of Dudley Mann

On September 23, 1863, Confederate Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin wrote to Mann conveying the President’s intentions:

Sir: The President, having read the published letter of His Holiness Pope Pius the Ninth, inviting the Catholic Clergy of New Orleans and New York to use all their efforts for the restoration of peace in our country, has deemed it proper to convey to His Holiness, by letter, his own thanks and those of our people for the Christian charity and sympathy displayed in the letter of His Holiness, as published, and of which you will find a copy annexed.

The President, therefore, directs that you proceed in person to Rome, and there deliver to His Holiness the President’s letter, herein enclosed, and of which a copy is also enclosed for your own information, and you will receive herewith a special Commission appointing you as Envoy for the purpose above expressed.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State

The Pope received Mann warmly and granted him an audience. According to Mann’s account, His Holiness stated that “he had been so afflicted by the horrors of the war in America that many months ago he had written to the Archbishops at New Orleans and New York to use all the influence that they could properly employ for terminating with as little delay as possible the deplorable state of hostilities.” From the Archbishop of New Orleans, he had received no answer, but the Archbishop of New York had responded with a communication that “inspired hope that his ardent wishes would be speedily gratified.”

The Letter Read Aloud

Bl. Pius IX then had Davis’s letter read to him, which said:

Most Venerable Chief of the Holy See and Sovereign Pontiff of the Roman Catholic Church:

The letters which your Holiness addressed to the venerable chiefs of the Catholic clergy in New Orleans and New York have been brought to my attention; and I have read with emotion the terms in which you are pleased to express the deep sorrow with which you regard the slaughter, ruin and devastation consequent on the war now waged by the Government of the United States against the States and People over which I have been chosen to preside; and in which you direct them, and the clergy under their authority to exhort the people and the rulers to the exercise of mutual charity and the love of peace. I am deeply sensible of the Christian charity and sympathy with which your Holiness has twice appealed to the venerable clergy of your church urging them to use and apply all study and exertion for the restoration of peace and tranquillity.

I, therefore, deem it my duty to offer to your Holiness, in my own name and in that of the people of the Confederate States, the expression of our sincere and cordial appreciation of the Christian charity and love by which your Holiness is actuated, and to assure you that this people, at whose hearth-stones the enemy is now pressing with threats of dire oppression and merciless carnage, are now, and ever have been, earnestly desirous that this wicked war shall cease; that we have offered at the foot-stool of our Father who is in Heaven prayers inspired by the same feelings which animate your Holiness; that we desire no evil to our enemies, nor do we covet any of their possessions, but are only struggling to the end that they shall cease to devastate our land and inflict useless and cruel slaughter upon our people, and that we be permitted to live at peace with all mankind, under our own laws and institutions, which protect every man in the enjoyment not only of his temporal rights, but of worshipping God according to his own faith.

I, therefore, pray your Holiness to accept from me, and from the people of the Confederate States, this assurance of our sincere thanks for your effort to aid the cause of peace, and of our earnest wishes that your life may be prolonged and that God may have you in His holy keeping.

Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States of America

Mann carefully observed the Pope throughout the reading:

The translation was rendered in a slow, solemn and emphatic pronunciation. During its progress I did not cease for an instant to carefully survey the features of the Sovereign Pontiff. A sweeter expression of pious affection, of tender benignity, never adorned the face of mortal man. No picture can adequately represent him when exclusively absorbed in Christian contemplation. Every sentence of the letter appeared to sensibly affect him. At the conclusion of each he would lay his hand down upon the desk and bow his head approvingly.

When the passage was reached wherein Davis stated, “We have offered up at the footstool of our Father who art in Heaven prayers inspired by the same feeling which animates your Holiness,” Mann observed that the Pope’s “deep sunken orbs, visibly moistened, were upturned towards that throne upon which ever sits the Prince of Peace, indicating that his heart was pleading for our deliverance from that causeless and merciless war which is prosecuted against us.”

Mann continued: “The soul of infidelity, if indeed infidelity have a soul, would have melted in view of so sacred a spectacle. The emotion occasioned by the translation was succeeded by a silence of some time.”

Bl. Pius IX then asked if Davis and Mann were Catholics. He replied that they were not.

A Conversation on the War

The conversation turned to the substance of the conflict. Bl. Pius IX observed that the Union was giving the impression that the war was centered on freeing slaves. He asked Mann if the South would allow gradual emancipation to appease the Union. Mann responded that the South was a sovereign nation and would not be coerced into making laws, especially one that would cause civil unrest. However, he added, if slavery were truly an evil institution, the South would gradually phase it out.

Bl. Pius IX then asked what he could do to help end the war. Mann told him about the large number of foreigners the Union had recruited to sustain their ranks. The enlisted men, Mann explained, were influenced by high wages and a false view of the cause, while the senior officers were often motivated by more troubling ideologies. A common phrase among them, he claimed, was “Greek fire for the families and cities of the rebels, and Hellfire for their chiefs.”

His Holiness was startled by this and said, “Certainly no Catholic would reiterate so monstrous a sentiment.”

Revolutionaries in Blue

Bl. Pius IX’s instincts were not unfounded. While the majority of the tens of thousands of foreign-born Union soldiers did not harbor malicious intentions—men like the former Papal States soldier Myles Keogh served honorably—many of the senior foreign-born officers were European revolutionaries who had fought against the Catholic Church.

A portrait of Myles Keogh in his Union Uniform wearing his Knight of the Order of St. George Medal and Pro Petri Sede medal, both awarded for his service defending the Papal States against the Piedmontese in 1860.

The majority of the six foreign-born major generals and the nineteen foreign-born brigadier generals were veterans of the European revolutionary movements, especially of the dreadful 1848 revolutions. Many were friends of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, men like Carl Schurz, Fritz Anneke, and August Willich. Marx and Engels viewed the Civil War as a great class struggle, with the Union representing the proletariat and the Confederacy standing as one of the world’s last remnants of an aristocratic society.

Marx himself wrote a letter to Lincoln declaring that the President was “a son of the working class” who would lead “the reconstruction of the social world.”

Throughout the war, Marx and Engels exchanged letters tracking the movements of their revolutionary comrades in the Union Army. Even Giuseppe Garibaldi, one of the principal antagonists of Bl. Pius IX and the chief architect of the Papal States’ destruction, was offered a commission as Major General. Though Garibaldi declined, many of his officers and enlisted men accepted. They formed the New York Garibaldi Guard.

This produced an ironic situation: former soldiers of the Papal Army, including those from the Irish Battalion and Papal Zouaves, fighting alongside the very Garibaldians who had stripped the Holy Father of his territories. Such an arrangement could only have occurred by obscuring the true nature of the revolutionary element within the Union ranks. Bl. Pius IX was right to be concerned.

Strange as this was, it would not be the last time former Papal soldiers found themselves fighting on the same side as Garibaldians. During the Franco-Prussian War (1870–71), a contingent of French Papal Zouaves reorganized themselves as the Volunteers of the West and took up arms to defend their homeland. At the same time, Garibaldi and his Red Shirts also joined the French cause, with Garibaldi himself assuming command of the Army of the Vosges. Once again, men who had faced each other across the battlefields of Italy found themselves united under the same flag, this time, the tricolor of France.

Engraving of the Garibaldi Guard

“To the Illustrious and Honorable Jefferson Davis”

After his conversation with Mann, Bl. Pius IX promised to write a letter to President Davis that could be shared publicly. Two weeks later, the Pope’s letter arrived. It began with words that would echo through history:

“To the Illustrious and Honorable Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America.”

Continuing Bl. Pius IX wrote:

Pius IX.

Illustrious and Honorable Sir, Greeting.

We recently received, with all the kindness that was due to him, the Envoy sent by Your Excellency to convey to Us your Letter dated the 23d of the month of September of the present year. It was certainly a cause of no ordinary rejoicing to Us to be informed - by this gentleman and by the Letter of Your Excellency - of the lively satisfaction You experienced, and of the deep sense of gratitude You entertained towards Us, Illustrious and Honorable Sir, when You first perused Our Letters addressed to those Venerable Brothers, John, Archbishop of New York, and John, Archbishop of New Orleans, on the 18th of October of last year, in which we again and again strongly urged and exhorted those Venerable Brothers, on account of their great piety and episcopal solicitude, to make it the object of their constant efforts and of their earnest study, acting thus in Our name, to put an early end to the fatal civil war prevailing in that country, and to re-establish among the American people peace and concord, as well as feelings of mutual charity and love. It was also peculiarly gratifying to Us to hear that You, Illustrious and Honorable Sir, as well as the people whom you govern, are animated by the same desire for peace and tranquillity which We so earnestly inculcated in the Letters referred to, addressed to the said Venerable Brothers. Would to God that the other inhabitants of those regions (the Northern people), and their rulers, seriously reflecting upon the fearful and mournful nature of intestine warfare, might, in a dispassionate mood, hearken to and adopt the counsels of peace! We, on Our part, shall not cease offering up Our most fervent prayers to Almighty God, begging and supplicating Him, in His Goodness, to pour out upon all the people of America a spirit of Christian charity and peace, and to rescue them from the multitude of evils now afflicting them. We also pray the same All-clement Lord of Mercies to cause to shine upon Your Excellency the Light of His Divine Grace and to unite You and Ourselves in bonds of perfect love.

Given at Rome, at St. Peter’s, the 3d day of December, 1863, in the eighteenth year of our Pontificate.

Pius PP. IX.

The original letter sent by Bl. Pius IX to Jefferson Davis

Ultimately, Mann interpreted the letter, especially the beginning salutation, as a sign that the Vatican had formally recognized the Confederacy. However, both Confederate Secretary of State Judah Benjamin and President Davis himself viewed the letter as merely a cordial response, not official diplomatic recognition. They attempted to press Bl. Pius IX for a more strongly worded acknowledgment, but the war ended before any further correspondence could take place.

A Bond Forged in Suffering

When the Civil War ended in April 1865, Jefferson Davis was captured, thrown into prison, and placed in solitary confinement with his legs riveted in iron. Upon hearing of Davis’s mistreatment, Bl. Pius IX sent him two photographs of himself.

The first included the Bible verse Matthew 11:28: “Come to me all ye who labor and are heavy burdened and I will give you rest, sayeth the Lord.” The second bore the inscription from Psalm 95: “Today if ye will hear his voice, harden not your heart.”

It is probable that Pius IX sent these photographs not only out of Christian charity but also because he empathized with Davis’s loss of temporal power. The Pope had lost the majority of the Papal States to the Italian revolutionaries in 1860; he would lose his last territory, the Lazio, and Rome itself four years later, in 1870.

Davis received the photographs with profound gratitude. He saw the inscription as “the comforting invitation our Lord gives to all who are oppressed.” The voice of Pope Pius IX, he later wrote, “came from afar to cheer and console me in my solitary captivity.”

Davis’s Catholic friend Lucius Northrop saw deeper significance in the gift: “You did not understand all the significance of his kindly act…he delicately invited you to come to him as Christ’s vicar.”

The photo sent by Bl. Pius IX to Jefferson Davis on display at the Confederate Memorial Hall Museum in New Orleans

A Protestant with Catholic Sympathies

While Davis was not a Catholic, he had a genuine sympathy for the faith and a somewhat Catholic background. He had attended a Dominican school as the only Protestant enrolled. When forming his Confederate administration, he included Catholics in prominent positions, a practice notably absent in the Lincoln administration and many other American presidencies of the era.

While Davis languished in prison, the Sisters of Charity of Savannah, Georgia, sent him a Rosary. These same nuns offered remarkable support to his family. As Mrs. Davis later recounted:

“No institution of my own Church offered to teach my children. One day three Sisters of Charity came to see me and brought me five gold dollars, all the money they had. They almost forced me to take the money, but I did not. They then offered to take my children to their school in the neighborhood of Savannah, where the air was cool and they could be comfortably cared for during the summer months.”

The Crown of Thorns

One final Catholic element connects the stories of Davis and Pius IX: a handwoven crown of thorns.

Some attribute the crown to Bl. Pius IX himself, claiming he wove it and sent it to Davis along with the photographs. However, the more likely origin involves Davis’s wife, Varina. While Davis was imprisoned and chained, Varina had to explain his suffering to their children. She recalled: “I could not keep the children ignorant that he was chained. So I made them feel it was a crown of thorns, and glory.”

Using this image, she taught her children the Christian practice of uniting one’s suffering with Christ’s Passion on the Cross.

When Pius IX was deposed in 1870 and became the “Prisoner of the Vatican,” Davis, recalling his own experience and his wife’s description of his suffering, suggested that Varina weave a crown of thorns. Davis then hung this crown above the photograph that Bl. Pius IX had given him, thereby linking the suffering and persecution of himself and the Holy Father with that of Our Lord, Jesus Christ.

The Crown of thorns weaved by Varina Davis on display at the Confederate Memorial Hall Museum in New Orleans

Two Men, One Cross

The relationship between Jefferson Davis and Bl. Pius IX never led to Davis’s conversion, nor that of his family. Yet the bond between them was real and enduring. Both men had lost their temporal power; both had been branded as villains by the forces of revolution and “progress”; both found meaning in suffering borne with Christian dignity.

When Davis lay dying in 1889, a nun was at his side, and priests helped officiate his funeral.

The story of these two men, a Pope who lost his earthly kingdom and a President who lost his nation, reminds us that the bonds of Christian sympathy can transcend borders, creeds, and the verdicts of history.

Bl. Pope Pius IX, pray for us!

And may we remember to pray for the repose of the soul of Jefferson Davis.

Join the Ranks!

The December 11, 1875 issue of the New York Freeman's Journal and Catholic Register carried news from Spain: Prince Gabriel Allamy-Effendi, son of the Pasha of Jerusalem—a high-ranking Ottoman dignitary—had been bayoneted to death by Alfonsino soldiers during the Third Carlist War. A Turk turned Papal Zouave, a descendant of Muhammad, a convert to Catholicism, and a Carlist volunteer—this is his story as told by the Freeman's Journal.

Information has just reached us from Elizondo, Spain, under date of Nov. 17th, that Prince Gabriel Allamy-Effendi, son of the Pacha of Jerusalem, Lieutenant of Infantry, and late Ensign of the brilliant battalion of Guards formed by the illustrious General Tristany, has fallen a victim at the hands of the Alfonsino hordes.

Eight years ago, Allamy-Effendi, son of the Pacha of Jerusalem, a direct descendant from the line of Mahomet, opened his eyes to the light of truth, sought private instructions from the Catholic Patriarch, asked for private baptism, so as not to forfeit the prerogatives of his birth and the rights of paternal heritage. Mgr. Valerga told him that the sacrifice must be entire, and the young Mussulman at once came to a heroic resolution.

Beset by countless dangers, and accompanied by a single servant, he fled far from his native land and succeeded in reaching Rome, where he hastened to throw himself at the feet of Pius IX. The Holy Father, who already knew his history, received him into the Church. The flight of this Mohammedan Prince created a great commotion in his native land, and he was disowned by his relatives. This threw him from the summit of wealth into the most abject poverty. But what cared he for that. Happy in being able to confess the name of God, he had cheerfully renounced everything.

But the Vicar of Christ, who was not unmindful of his sacrifice, admitted him into the little army that defended his dominions, with the rank of Sergeant with a life pension. It was in this glorious army that Allamy-Effendi had the signal honor of serving, until the time that the infamous usurpers imprisoned the Venerable Pontiff in the Vatican.

Like other heroes, his brothers in arms, now a Count, he had the glory of being dragged by his bar barbarous conquerors, from one town to another, insulted, and finally imprisoned. He came out of his prison more than ever determined to defend the cause of God, and on the opening of the Carlist war, when he saw the noble banner which Carlos VII, unfurled to the breeze, he bade farewell to the Holy Father, whose blessing he had once more sought in person, relinquished a portion of his pension, and took his place humbly and modestly by the side of the brave Catalonians who gathered around the gallant Don Alfonso de Borbon.

Allamy-Effendi was attached to the Battalion of Guides which, forming a part of the staff, followed General Tristany. He seemed to have a presentiment that he would fall for the sacred cause of “Dios, Patria, y Rey,” but he wanted to fall with his sword in his hand, and not to be basely assassinated contrary to all laws of war and the solemn agreements stipulated between General Tristany and Martinez Campos.

Allamy-Effendi had distinguished himself at the capture of Seo de Urgel in August, 1874, and received the red cross of merit for his gallant services on that occasion. He followed General Tristany through all his fortunes, but he could not long bear the fatigues of the more recent campaigns, and was obliged to seek for a short period for rest and the recuperation of his health by a short sojourn in the hospital at Moya.

Some weeks ago he left the hospital and returned to his Battalion, when he was appointed Sub-Lien- tenant and Standard-bearer by General Tristany, He was made full Lieutenant in the field of battle.

He was going towards Prados de Llusanos, fall of confidence, because he carried a discharge from the Moya hospital, which, according to agreement between Generals Tristany and Martinez Campos, was a safe-guard. But poor Effendi, on his way, fell into the hands of an detachment, and was, in spite of his protestations barbarously murdered and bayonetted through and through. It remains to be seen whether this crime will open the eyes of European nations.

Such was the end of this Mussulman Prince, a direct descendant of Mahomet, who, regenerated by the waters of Baptism, fell upon the soil of Spain, defending the sacred cause of “Dios Patria y Rey,” in whose service he fell a martyr to his religious and political convictions. Let the world judge between him and his murderers. May he rest in peace.

More research needs to be done on Allamy-Effendi. His Papal Zouave registration number is 6910 and lists him as Abdallah Mustafa. Born in Constantinople on May 5, 1841. He became a Papal Zouave on January 28, 1868, and left the service on January 27, 1870.

Join the Ranks!

Belgian Papal Zouave Veteran Amaat Vyncke (2nd on the left) and some White Father missionaries in the Congo, 1884. Created in 1868, to evangelize in Africa. The White Fathers and locals needed protection from violent Muslims and pagans, answering that call, many former Papal Zouaves went to fill their ranks, thereby embodying the third commandment of Chivalry.

In our effort to combat the myth of ‘Toxic masculinity”, after having considered the first and the second commandments of Chivalry (Thou shalt believe all that the Church teaches, and shalt observe all her commandments) we proceed to consider the third: Thou shalt respect the weak and shalt make thyself their defendant.

Who were the weak in the times of the Crusader knights? The weak were considered to be all those who could not - or were not - allowed to bear weapons. Naturally, that category of people included all women, old men, children, the sick, the clergy. Saint Joan of Arc was the only exception to that rule, since her mission was given straight from God Lord Lord.

For pagans, especially the Muslims, strength was of great value, and, because of this, they despised the weak. It was the Catholic Church that taught respect for the weak. It was the Church who created the Middle Ages; the hospitals, universities, schools, etc., and encouraged many to work for the sick.

A famous example was given by St. Louis the King, a great Knight, who would wash the feet of the poor and the sick, even the lepers, and serve them at the table. Hence the admiration of the people to him was so great, that after the news of his death by illness in the Crusade, the people of France stopped using the coins that had his effigy minted on them, and started using them as religious medals… The administration of the time had to mint brand new coins without his effigy, to use as proper money. Such was his prestige as a saintly knight!

Read more

The scale of Dutch, French and Belgian involvement was pivotal in supporting Pope Pius IX during the final years of the Papal States. These three states delivered the bulk of the zouave volunteers and contributed for almost 70% of the total strength of the Papal Zouaves Regiment.

In Belgium, young catholic volunteers left their home village to enroll into the Papal Zouaves Regiment from the very first call of Mgr. De Mérode. In the small village of Morialmé, in Wallonia, nearby the abbey of Maredsous (founded by former Papal Zouaves), the pious engagement of the local youth into the Papal Zouaves Regiment in Rome was supported and remembered by its inhabitants as from 1861 on, by incorporating a Papal Zouaves platoon in the existing yearly local pilgrimage held in honour of the village’s patron, Saint Peter.

After the surrender of Pope Pius IX against the Italian supremacy in 1870, the Belgian volunteers returned to their homes and perpetuated the tradition by marching for Saint Peter. However, the Papal Zouave uniform became increasingly rare and was gradually replaced by the well-known and easily available French zouave uniform. By the beginning of the 20th century, the Papal Zouave uniform had completely disappeared from the scene of the Saint Peter pilgrimage in Morialmé.

My name is Gontran Soumoy and I have my roots in Morialmé. I’ve been closely involved since the age of 8 in the yearly pilgrimage, as a zouave, which meanwhile has become a folkloric event that marks the supreme moment in the year of the small community, involving the entire village. The people of Morialmé have forgotten the very reason why their men have traditionally marched off every year in that beautiful French zouave uniform for more than 100 years… a uniform that has definitely become part of our tradition but is, however, completely foreign to our history.

Read more

The following is a speech given by the commander of the Papal Zouave Regiment, Colonel Allet, after their victory over Garibaldi and his Red Shirt army during the fall 1867 campaign in defense of the Papal States.

Colonel Allet’s Speech:

Officers, non-commissioned officers, soldiers!

You have passed through two months of perilous labors with an energy of which your commander is proud to bear witness to you.

On the first day of this impious struggle, waged by the revolutionary force against the most august Pius IX, the same ones you know calculated with anguish the vicissitudes of this unequal combat. Honor to you! You have overcome the hopes of your friends and the fears of your enemies.

Garibaldi’s invasion found the bayonets of the Zouaves everywhere, and if the bullets went through your chests, they in no way made you retreat a step; all of you took part in this glorious struggle. The companies which remained in Rome, having signaled the most atrocious means of destruction, have contributed to maintaining tranquility as these here, in the provinces of Acquapendente and Subiaco, have defended almost by themselves 60 leagues of the frontier. From Sep, 22 to Nov. 3. what dates to mark on your banner!

On Sep. 30, Lieutenant Jacquemont collided with 36 men of the 3rd Company of the 1st Battalion with 90 Garibaldians at Canino, and put them to flight. On Oct. 3, Lieutenant Guérin, then Sergeant Major, with 25 Zouaves of the 4th of the 1st, alone protected the retreat of an infantry company near Bagnorea.

On Oct. 4, Second Lieutenant Burdo, with 3 men of the 3rd of the 1st, fought for 3 hours against superior troops, at the Ischia bridge; on the same day, the same officer defended the city of Valentano with 45 men against perhaps 5 times their superiors.

On Oct. 5, Bagnorea was conquered; Captain le Godinec, Lieutenants Wyart, Jacquemont and Mirabel lead 190 Zouaves of the 3rd and 4th Companies of the 1st Battalion to the assault, and conquer the dominant positions.

On Oct. 13, Second Lieutenants Joubert and Martini, with a detachment of the 4th company of the 1st battalion, reoccupy Acquapendente. The same day, in Montelibretti, 97 Zouaves of the 5th company of the 2nd battalion, under the orders of Mr. Guillemin and de Quélen, attacked the Garibaldians with such vigor that the intimidated enemy evacuated the city the same night. The two officers gloriously fall at the head of the troops.

On Oct 12, the city of Subiaco was surprised; the Lieutenant Desclée with 30 Zouaves, takes it back and kills the enemy commander with his own hand.

On Oct. 18, the Lieutenant Lallemannd, with 45 Zouaves and 17 gendarmes, occupied Orte.

On Oct. 18, Lieutenant Colonel de Charette and Commander de Troussures captured the formidable position of Nerola. The 1st companies of the 2nd and 1st battalions had a glorious part in it.

On Oct. 19, Captain de Couessin, with his Company, drove back the Garibaldians at Farnese; Second Lieutenant Dufournel dies pierced by 13 bayonet blows.

On Oct. 22, the Serristori barracks were blown up, burying numerous victims; the same evening, Captain de Reaum with the 2nd company of the 2nd battalion, discovered outside the city, in São Paulo, a large arms depot and a large gathering of sectarians.

On the 24th, Captains de Saisy, Vinay, Dufournel, with 80 men in reserve and from the 3rd company of the 2nd battalion, stormed by force, in the neighborhood of Lungaretta, the infernal workshop from which most of the bombs came to Rome.

On Oct. 24, Viterbo was attacked by 800 Red Shirts; the Lieutenant Lallemand, with 70 Zouaves, takes an energetic part in the defense: the enemy is repulsed.

On Oct. 30, Garibaldi’s outposts are in front of the Nomentano bridge; the 3rd Company of the 1st Battalion and the 3rd and 6th Companies of the 2nd forced the enemy snipers to fall back as far as Casal de’ Pazzi, which was occupied the next day. On the same day, Captain Adjutant Major Dufournel falls, hit by a bullet, in the streets of Rome, and dies, like his brother, with that intrepidity that we are used to admiring.

Finally, on Nov. 3, in Mentana, the entire Regiment was assembled under my orders, and I was able to personally admire as a whole that impetus, that indomitable courage, of which every faction of the corps gave, a month ago, so many noble examples! All that could be expected from the most energetic hearts, you have done! And at the last hour of this 45 day struggle, on the battlefield which you have strewn with corpses, the French army, this incorruptible judge of valor, was there to applaud your valor, and to give you an unquestionable testimony.

Painful losses have accompanied success; Captain de Veaux and 23 of our comrades died at Menata; our wounded fill the hospitals; but their blood was shed for the noblest of causes. Such sacrifices are a military body’s most precious mementos; and they will have the effect of garnering for the cause of the Holy Father the sympathy and respect which ensure his future.

Soldiers!

It’s not all over!

Great dangers still threaten the Church; remember that you are not just a regiment of a few thousand men gathered side by side: you represent a principle in the world, the voluntary and disinterested defense of the Holy See. You are the backbone around which the prayers, aid and hopes of the Catholic world will gather in times of danger. So be God’s true soldiers; you not only have duties, you have a mission, and you will only fulfill it with unity, discipline, demeanor, education.

A third Battalion will be formed; your cadres, by extending, assure you a longer share of action for future struggles. We will march to the cry of VIVA PIO IX.

Colonel Allet Commander of the Papal Zouave Regiment

Join the Ranks!

Oil Portrait Lt. Bernard Quatrebarbes

On this day, 158 years ago, November 22, 1867, Papal Artillery Officer Lieutenant Bernard Quatrebarbes succumbed to the gunshot wound he received at the Battle of Monte Rotondo on October 25, during the Papal States’ 1867 campaign against the revolutionary Garibaldi and his Redshirt Army.

Born in Nantes, France, on February 15, 1840, Bernard came from a family deeply involved in the defense of the Papal States during the 1860s against the forces of the Italian Risorgimento, a struggle the papal defenders dubbed the “Ninth Crusade.” Many of his cousins served as Papal Zouaves, and his uncle was the Governor of Ancona, the Papal port that famously held out under Piedmontese siege during their 1860 invasion of the Papal States.

After one of his cousins died during the Battle of Castelfidardo on September 18, 1860. He joined the Papal Zouaves in his place. After a short time, it was determined that he would be more useful among the Papal Artillery; he joined them on January 23, 1861. He rose steadily through the ranks, earning his commission as a lieutenant in 1866. In the 1867 campaign, he fought in the battles of Monte Libretti, Nerola, and Monte Rotondo.

Bernard Quatrebarbes in his Papal Artillery uniform

Family portrait of the Quatrebarbes cousins who fought side by side in the Papal Army from 1860–1870. From left to right: Georges d’Héliand – Papal Zouave (Killed in action at Castelfidardo), Bernard de Quatrebarbes – Papal Artillery (Died of wounds from Monte Rotondo), Zacharie Du Reau – Papal Zouave / Officer, Volunteers of the West (Wounded at Loigny), Maurice Du Reau – Papal Zouave / Volunteers of the West (Carrying the flag), Henri Du Reau – Papal Zouave / Volunteers of the West, Yves de Quatrebarbes – Papal Zouave (Wounded at Mentana)

The success of the Papal Army at the Battle of Nerola on October 18 was attributed to Lt. Quatrebarbes. Papal Zouave Colonel Athanese de Charette said of him “It is largely to M. de Quatrebarbes that the success of the day was due, and I cannot praise myself enough for his indefatigable zeal and the intelligence with which he succeeded in pass his piece along impassable paths.”

Engraving of the Battle of Nerola on October 18, 1867

On October 25, the Garibaldians attacked Monte-Rotondo, a small town located on a steep hill, north of Rome. The papal garrison was only 350 strong. After four successive assaults of the enemy, they broke through the fierce resistance of the Papal Zouaves. The incessant artillery fire, directed with great skill by Lieutenant de Quatrebarbes, wrought havoc among the Garibaldians. Attempting to drive them back, he commanded fire in the open under a hail of bullets.

He was then hit by a bullet in his left arm above the elbow, causing two fractures. Another bullet hit his right hand and took off a finger. The Papal Army was overrun, and Lt. Quarebarbes was taken prisoner.

Lt. Bernard Quatrebarbes falls wounded at the Battle of Nerola on October 25, 1867

After the defeat of the Garibaldian Army at the Battle of Mentana on Nov. 3, 1867. He was freed and taken to Rome for medical care. He did not receive adequate care as a prisoner, and disease set in from his wounds. He suffered greatly, but he offered up his sufferings to God.

He said, “God willing! Every day I offer all my sufferings to God so that all my people may serve him faithfully and always be the defenders of the Church”

He received many visitors, among them the exiled King and Queen of the Two Sicilies, Francis II (now a Servant of God) and his wife, Queen Maria Sophia. But what consoled him most was the unexpected moment when Bl. Pius IX himself entered his room unannounced to bless and encourage him. The Pope laid his hand on the arm of his dear wounded soldier and made the sign of the Cross: “My friend, may the Good Lord bless you as I bless you.”

Bl. Pius IX visits Lt. Bernard Quatrebarbes in his suffering

However, his condition continued to worsen, and the doctor ultimately determined that his arm would need to be amputated. Bernard grieved at the thought of being forced to leave his battery and the army, but he accepted it with resignation. The operation, however, brought no improvement. He confessed to one of the Hospitaller Sisters:

“The Good Lord has given me a large part of suffering in my life, I assure you, but I am not complaining about it.” He drew strength and courage from the frequent recitation of the Rosary. A few days later, his condition worsened, and he received Extreme Unction.

On November 22, he surrendered his soul to God, at just 27 years old.

After the solemn funeral, Bl. Pope Pius IX declared: “Bernard is a saint in Heaven!” He was posthumously made a commander of the Order of Pius IX.

There is a lost English translation of a biography on Bernard titled: History of Bernard de Quatrebarbes, Pontifical Volunteer. Translated from the French of P. du Reau, S.J. Keep an eye out for this book, especially if you live in England. There is a copy lying around somewhere! Contact papalzouavehistory@gmail.com if you find one.

A depiction of First Crusade hero Godfrey of Bouillon next to an painting of Dutch Papal Zouave Lieutenant Antonie Arts.

In our days, the propaganda myth of ‘Toxic masculinity’ prevents the development of authentic Catholic masculinity. Fathers will do well if they pay attention to the education of their sons according to the Catholic model presented by the concept of Chivalry, which was lived during the 9^th Crusade, the Papal Zouaves.

The Papal Zouave Chivalry embodied the ideal of Catholic masculinity, balancing purity with fortitude, piety with strength, prudence with heroism. It was the Sacrament of Confirmation lived in its plenitude.

Our Lord Jesus Christ, God Incarnate, being the King of Kings and also the King of the Knights, had made the ultimate sacrifice, and gave His Life for mankind. He died for His Spouse, the Church. He was the model of all Knights. The Knights, therefore, as vassals of God, must also give their lives for Him, if necessary.

Read more

(Painting of the Battle of Mentana on November 3, 1867, by former Volunteer of the West (Papal Zouave) Lionel Royer)

The following article is a brief introduction to Professor Fulvio D’Amore’s unpublished work on the 1867 military invasion of the Papal States by Garibaldi and his army of Red Shirts, who fought at the battles of Monterotondo and Mentana. It took the scholar five years to carry out very rigorous archival research, uncovering facts that had previously been ignored, because Italians generally consider Garibaldi an untouchable hero. This has led to obstacles in the publication of his work, despite the fact that he has written over seventy historical essays, spanning from the Risorgimento to the Modern age. However, the author highlights the notable value of the Zouaves during the conflict and the lack of preparation of Garibaldi’s commanders and ragtag army. This study dared to challenge and correct the polished, hero-centered narrative that dominated much of the Italian Risorgimento scene. Professor D’Amore allowed Papal Zouave International to publish the “Premise” of his book, which testifies to the terrible behavior of Garibaldi’s volunteers and all the contradictions of the story that inevitably led to his defeat, in an Italy where republicans, Mazzinians, and Piedmontese liberals debated each other over questions of principle.

-Brendan Cassell

The unfolding of the dramatic Garibaldian events of Monterotondo and Mentana has confronted us with an “open history,” with questions that sometimes remain unresolved, even though the entirety of those events reached its conclusion a long time ago. Our investigative efforts, aimed at discovering new sources—especially regarding the young volunteers who donned the “red shirt” in 1867-reveal sacrifices, privations, wanton violence, acts of patriotism, cowardice, and wretchedness. These traits fall outside the usual and worn-out liberal, republican, triumphalist, partisan “post-Risorgimento iconography.”

In this research all those contrasts typical of a “Unity” achieved with difficulty and amid enormous discord come to the fore, situated in the overall picture in which many episodes prove emblematic precisely because of the nature of that struggle-fought by improvised bands of Garibaldians, by the Italian government that remained shrewdly in the shadows, and by the loyal Zouaves of the Pope-King, prepared to be killed to the last man to safeguard the borders of the “Holy See.” Unpublished narrative sources-especially the correspondence of Francesco Crispi, the “Report” of the commander of the Abruzzese volunteer corps Federico Salomone, and the “Diary-Protocol of the Pontifical General Staff on the Operations of Autumn 1867” (preserved in the Kanzler collection of the Vatican Secret Archives)-have been suitably compared and backed by an extensive bibliography, completing the picture of the events at Monterotondo and Mentana.

Read more

(Joseph Louis Guérin receiving his mortal wound)

On this day, 165 years ago, October 30, 1860, Joseph-Louis Guérin’s martyrdom was complete. Believed to be a Papal Zouave Saint, he died from wounds he received at the Battle of Castelfidardo on September 18, defending the Papal States from the anti-clerical Piedmontese army.1

Guérin was born in 1838 in Nantes, France. In 1860, he was in seminary and about to become a sub-deacon when Papal States Army General Lamoricière requested the aid of Catholic men to come to the defense of the Papal States against the invading Italian Army.

Guérin answered the call, when one of his friends asked why he was joining Guérin said, “Blood is necessary to appease the anger of God; I will give mine.” When he broke the news to his parents, they wept, but enthusiastically supported his decision. His Father said, “I have already lost a son, but if God asks me for another, I will give him!” On his journey to Rome, Guérin read through the Imitation of Christ and frequently recited the office of Our Lady. He arrived on August 8th, 1860. And joined the unit, the Knights of St. Peter, which was headed by Hendri de Cathelineau, Grandson of the royalist leader of the Vendean counter-revolution, Jacques Cathelineau. Shortly after Guérin’s arrival, the Knights were incorporated into the Franco-Belgium Battalion (Papal Zouaves) and formed their 4th company.2 All recruits had to go through two sets of school’s the Soldiers School and the Battalion School. The first school typically takes a month, but Guérin passed in only 8 days. This helped him gain the respect of his comrades and leaders.

(Colorized photo of Guérin from a republished version of his biograpgy in French from Edilys)

Guérin was a model soldier; he regularly volunteered for arduous and time-consuming tasks that typically were assigned at random, such as fetching water for a squad, often doing so before the command was even issued. His comrade, Padioleau said of him, “If we asked a man of goodwill for a chore, we always saw him first, forgetting his ease and his rest and leaving the tent if he was in bed.” Guérin would endure all the annoyances of everyday life without ever complaining. Confident, he relied entirely on God and wanted to be kind to everyone.

He was eager to “exercise his zeal for the salvation of souls” whenever he could. He inspired his comrades to be more faithful and zealous, encouraging his comrades who wavered, he would say, “Why are you afraid? If your conscience is not in peace, there is the chaplain. Our cause is the better; we fight for God, therefore we are men of eternity; what signify the few days that we will sacrifice? I have made the sacrifice of my life to the Church and Pius IX. I am not afraid to die!” A month after he arrived in Rome on September 11, 1860, the Piedmontese army crossed the northern border of the Papal States into Umbria and the Marches. The Papal army was not ready for a fight; they had been under-par for the past few hundred years, and the foreign soldiers had only just begun training in Rome.

(Map of Italy Prior to the Invasion of the Piedmontese)

Their only hope was to protect the port city of Ancona and petition Austria to send reinforcements and intervene via the port. The mission of the Franco-Belgium Battalion was to reinforce Ancona. To do so, they had to go through Loreto, where the Sanctuary of the Holy House is. Coming to the defense of such a Christian treasure, such as the Holy House, must have inspired the Zouaves; it is also the site where Bl. Pope Pius IX, the current Pontiff, had made the vow, at the age of 20, to devote himself to the service of God if the Virgin healed him of his violent epilepsy. Visiting the Holy House, Guérin frequently cried out, “How happy we would be to die in so glorious a place and for so just a cause! What an honor it would be if we could shed our blood to save her son and her sanctuary.” All the while showing an admirable and inexpressible. Loreto was only about 20 miles from Ancona. However, the Piedmontese were stationed in Castelfidardo, a town immediately adjacent to Loreto on the route to Ancona, planning to rout the Papal forces.

The next morning, September 18, 1860, the Pontifical Army set out. The plan was to split up their force into three columns. The left column, headed by General Pimodan, would cross the Musone river directly outside of Castelfidardo and make their way uphill Monte Oro through two farms, the lower and upper farm, and block the Piedmontese forces. The central column, headed by Gen. Lamoricière would move a few hundred meters behind General Pimodan’s column and reinforce him. The central column, comprised of the baggage train and papal reinforcements, would then have a clear route to bypass Castelfidardo and reinforce Ancona, with the other columns breaking contact and following behind. The bulk of the Franco-Belgium Battalion was a part of General Pimodan’s column.

(Guérin in a manteau (coat) and full kit)

The attack began early in the morning, catching the Piedmontese by surprise. After an initial charge, the Pontifical troops seized the lower farm. Regrouping quickly, General Pimodan rallied his men to charge the upper farm, which they captured while maintaining their momentum. Rallying them once more, he pressed toward the high ground of Monte Oro where they could establish a firm defensive position. But during this advance, General Pimodan was killed.

The death of their general shattered the Papal forces’ morale. Piedmontese reinforcements arrived and drove them back down toward the upper farm. What remained of Pimodan’s column attempted to hold out and await reinforcements. Contrary to the original plan, General Lamoricière, filled with zeal at the sight of his dying friend and believing he could turn the tide, committed his remaining two columns to the fight. But still outmanned, outgunned, and fighting from the low ground, it was not enough.

A decision was made to break contact. Lamoricière departed to gather what men he could and salvage the original plan of reinforcing Ancona, leaving Colonel Goudenhoven in command. Goudenhoven quickly realized the position was untenable and ordered a retreat to Loreto. Lamoricière managed to gather only a small force, and with great difficulty, they reached Ancona. Upon arrival at the port, he grimly observed, “I no longer have an Army.”

(Engraving of the Battle of Castelfidardo from the book The Martyrs of Castelfidardo)

According to Franco-Belgian Private Oscar de Poli, sometime during the second bayonet charge to take the Upper Farm, Guérin took a ball to the lung. While Poli was on the ground after suffering a bayonet wound, Guérin charged passed him, saying, “Poli, farewell Poli! Do not forget to say: Jesus, Mary; goodbye!” Fifty paces later, Poli saw Guérin fall. Later on, Corporal Perrodil found him on the battlefield, lifeless. “There he was, lying on his back. I bent down to touch him he was cold and stiff. I then knelt to impress on his pure brow a kiss of regret and love in the name of his parents. I took his scarf and bade him a last farewell, believing him dead. He had been very brave, poor child, and had fallen a few steps from the enemy.” Eventually, Guérin regained consciousness on an ambulance headed toward a temporary infirmary set up in a Castelfidardo convent. He turned to a young Italian near him in the ambulance and said in Latin “Tell the Priest of my hometown that I die joyfully and calmly for the cause of religion and the Pope; let him console my parents with the hope of meeting me one day in heaven” The Superior of the convent pointed out to Guérin a prophetic coincidence that pleased him: “Your name is Joseph, you fought yesterday, on the feast day of Saint Joseph of Copertino, you were laid down in front of an altar dedicated to him; tomorrow you will be transported to Osimo, where the same saint died; perhaps you will be placed in our church, where the body of Saint Joseph is kept”

Engraving of wounded Papal Soldiers inside the Holy House of Loreto

The next day he was brought to a Piedmontese hospital in Osimo, closeby. He suffered intensely for seven weeks. But did not complain, instead he gave words of thanksgiving and joy. He wrote to a friend “I have made to God and to the Holy Church the sacrifice of my life. Envy my happiness and console my poor mother. Long live Pius IX! Long live the Pope King!” He repeated often, “How happy I am to suffer and die slowly for Jesus Christ and his Church.” In his final letter to his parents, he wrote, “It is Gods will (that I die); let us bless and adore it” On October 30, he felt the end was near. He received last rites and said his final words, “My God, I beg of you to forgive those who have wounded me. My God accept my sufferings! Do not weep or fret my kind friends, I am going to God.”

He died with a smile on his face. Almost immediately, an intense and popular piety developed around him. Over 30 miraculous healings occurred over a decade that were attributed to him. Bl. Pope Pius IX placed a portrait of Guérin in the antechamber of his private chapel in Castel-Gandolfo. Guérin even appeared to others in visions. On March 4, 1863, he appeared to a completely blind 15-year-old Roman girl, Guérin appeared in uniform and asked her what she wanted to obtain from her prayers “Sight” she said. Guérin responded, “That’s good, keep praying to God.” Two days later, he appeared to her again and said, “your prayers have been answered; get up, you will see.” She ran downstairs to the church outside her home and saw Zouaves in the streets. She told her uncle that they were wearing the uniform of the man who appeared to her.

Another example is with Papal Zouave Lieutenant Stanislas Garroni, who was wounded the same day as Guérin at Castelfidardo. A year after the battle, the young officer had fallen seriously ill. On the night of Dec. 13, 1861, the doctors of the battalion believed he would die, so the chaplain administered last rites to him. He fell asleep, and shortly afterward Guérin appeared to him in a dream, telling him that in four days he would be cured. When he woke up, he told the story to his brother, Father Garroni, to whom he gave a precise description of the man who visited him in his dream and whom he had never seen. “Maybe he was in the military hospital with you?” suggests his brother. He replied, “No, the blessed told me that he was currently corporal of the Angels of Paradise. The Father, who had urged his brother to invoke the intercession of the Zouave, then showed him a portrait of Guérin and Garroni identified him as the one who spoke to him in his sleep. He was healed four days later. Even after his death, Guérin was spoken very highly of in the Papal Zouaves. He was a constant source of intercession for them and was mentioned frequently in their writings and stories.

The Papal Zouaves revered Guérin so much that, following his death, they would use him as a reference point when comparing other notable and pious Papal Zouave martyrs. Two stand out during the 1867 campaign, both martyred at the Battle of Mentana on November 3, 1867. Sergeant Joseph Rialan was referred by many the Guérin of the 1867 campaign3 and Private Julian Watts-Russell as the Guérin of England.4

Upon an invitation from Bl. Pius IX. in 1862, the Bishop of Nantes began preparing a packet that could be used as evidence when the canonization process would formally begin. Why then is Guérin not canonized? Unfortunately, it appears he became a victim of the political climate of the time. Due to the precarious situation with the Papal States, some felt it was not appropriate to potentially anger Napoleon III by canonizing a Papal soldier who embodied the values of royalism and monarchism. In 1925, his cause was reconsidered, but the political climate prevented the process from moving forward again.

(Grave of Guérin)

This is due to the French monarchist group, Action Française, being condemned by Pope Pius XI. Who condemned it because it was run by an agnostic and that it only supported the faith on utilitarian grounds. Considering how it’s been almost 100 years since Guérin’s cause has been last considered, his cause ought to be looked into again. Especially in today’s climate, the revolution has made enormous strides over the past 150 years. The intercession of a royalist and monarchist soldier of the Pope is exactly what we need to fight the relativism of today’s time. Let us pray to Guérin that we are able to spread the history of the Papal Zouaves and fight the revolution in our time.

Joseph-Louis Guérin, Ora pro nobis

Join the Ranks!

In the autumn of 1867, as the forces of revolution closed in on the Eternal City, two French brothers gave their lives in defense of Blessed Pope Pius IX and the temporal power of the Papacy. Their martyrdom, for that is truly what it was, represents the highest ideal of Catholic militancy: the willingness to sacrifice everything, even life itself, for the Kingship of Christ and His Vicar on earth.

Adéodat and Emmanuel Dufournel were not seeking glory or adventure when they joined the Papal Zouaves. They were answering a divine call that had been planted in their hearts from childhood, nurtured by a saintly mother who had offered her very life to God that her sons might have unwavering faith. Her prayer was answered beyond what she could have imagined, both of her sons would die as martyrs for the Church in defense of the Pope and his temporal rights.

The Formation of Catholic Warriors

The brothers grew up in post-revolutionary France, in a family of ardent Legitimists who remained faithful to altar and throne despite the chaos of their age. From their earliest years, they displayed the characteristics that would define their short but glorious lives. Emmanuel, even as a child, declared after committing a minor sin: “I have blasphemed, but when I grow up, I will convert the infidels and redeem all my sins.”

Adéodat, the elder brother, possessed a similar martial spirit from youth. He longed to join the military, first the navy, then the French military academy at Saint-Cyr, but was prevented by his father. When Blessed Pius IX called for volunteers in 1860, however, nothing could stop him. He left for Rome under the pretense of a simple journey, only informing his father from Marseille that he was going to enlist. He signed his enlistment on June 18, 1860, and immediately began the hard life of a Papal soldier.

The campaign was brutal from the start. Nine-hour marches under blazing sun with packs crushing their chests. Men fainting, others nearly going mad from exhaustion. But Adéodat pressed on, and within days was appointed corporal. On September 18, 1860, came the disaster at Castelfidardo, the heroic but doomed stand of the Papal Army against the invading Piedmontese. Adéodat watched his dearest friends fall beside him, including M.M. de Nanteuil and de Parcevaux. The survivors, their ranks decimated, regrouped that evening in the church of Loreto.

After the battle, the defeated were marched to Turin as prisoners. There, to Adéodat’s astonishment, he found Emmanuel. When newspapers reported massive casualties and private correspondence was intercepted, the Dufournel family endured agonizing days of uncertainty. Emmanuel could bear it no longer, he traveled to Turin to search for his brother. The joyful reunion was brief. By November, Adéodat had rejoined the reorganizing corps. Emmanuel followed closely behind, signing his enlistment in Rome in the final days of December 1860. The loss in 1860 reduced the size of the Papal States to only the Lazio region, which was Rome and its surrounding territory.

On the night of January 25th, Emmanuel participated in his first action, an attack on a Piedmontese post at Corrèze. Tasked with breaking down a door, he burst through with five comrades to find fifteen Piedmontese on their knees, arms extended, begging for mercy. They took fifty prisoners. General de la Moricière ordered their commander to congratulate the officers and soldiers. Unfortunately for the Papal Zouaves and the Dufournel brothers, the fight was about to slow down significantly.

Engraving of the Battle of Castelfidardo

The Long Years of Waiting

What many do not understand about the Papal Zouaves is that their greatest sacrifice was not made on the battlefield, it was made in the years of monotonous garrison duty, far from home, enduring disease, deprivation, and the knowledge that the world had abandoned them. After the disaster at Castelfidardo in September 1860, where Adéodat saw his closest comrades fall, the Zouaves entered what would become seven years of waiting.

The conditions were appalling. Stationed in several small villages throughout the Lazio region, they slept on straw in chimneyless hovels. Italian fever struck repeatedly, Emmanuel suffered from it constantly, nearly incapacitated every three days, yet he “hardly complained, almost never acknowledging it.” They endured extreme heat in summer and bitter cold in winter. The local populations, manipulated by revolutionary forces, often betrayed them. And yet they stayed.

Why? Adéodat explained it perfectly in a letter to his cousin:

“I cannot believe that He has gathered, without purpose, men from all over France, to make them know and esteem each other; I believe that, later, this chain that joins Brittany to Comté, the North to Languedoc and to Provence, will serve as a link for the honest people of France when they finally rise against the triumphant revolutionaries, those revolutionaries who insult GOD in their upheaval of world peace.”

Here was a man who understood that the defense of the Papal States was not about Italian politics; it was about the universal battle between the Church and the Revolution. He knew he was fighting for the principle of Christendom itself.

The monotony was soul-crushing. “I am quite bored here,” Adéodat wrote, “but as long as I don’t believe I can do better in France, I will stay at my post. I hope this will earn me exemptions in Purgatory, of which I am all the more afraid as the chances of dying for the Papacy seem to diminish day by day.”

But he never wavered. When others grew discouraged and left, when his own health deteriorated, when marriage and comfort called to him, he remained. “I would rather die young and go to Heaven,” he wrote, “than to live many years to the great joy of one’s family, at the cost of spending a long time in purgatory.”

Adéodat Dufournel as a lieutenant.

Emmanuel Becomes a Lieutenant and Adéodat a Captain

After six years of relative monotony, patrolling throughout what remained of the Papal States and occasionally confronting brigands, the political climate of 1867 made the situation increasingly precarious. The September Convention of 1866 between France and the Kingdom of Italy had made visible to all what had long been evident to those who understood Napoleon III’s fatal tendencies: the Pope would soon be abandoned by France and left to face his enemies alone. As danger approached, the devotion of the faithful awakened. Recruitment in the Papal Zouave battalions swelled, and the unit was transformed into a regiment under the command of Colonel Allet and Lieutenant-Colonel de Charette. In need of leaders for this ever-increasing force, the Dufournel brothers were selected and received what would be their final promotions before their impending martyrdom.

On January 1st, 1867, Adéodat was appointed captain and given the position of adjutant-major, a role of significant responsibility in coordinating the regiment’s operations. At twenty-eight years old, after nearly seven years of faithful service, his military skill and unwavering dedication had elevated him to one of the most important command positions in the Papal Zouaves.

On the same day, Emmanuel received his commission as sub-lieutenant. After more than six years serving in the ranks, first as corporal, then sergeant, and finally sergeant-major, he was finally granted an officer’s commission. His humility and genuine lack of ambition made this promotion all the more meaningful.

“I will not hide from you,” Emmanuel wrote, “that I felt a great joy in saying goodbye to the barracks and especially to that old rucksack that I have carried for more than six years. What pleases me most about this rank is that I never made the slightest effort to obtain it and that no one will feel resentful by my appointment. I was also pleased to learn that I am missed in my former company, even though I was a bit too strict on them. I will try to make myself loved in this new one, which is commanded by one of my friends.”

This simple statement reveals the character of the man. After six years of carrying a rucksack, sleeping on straw, enduring fevers and deprivation, never seeking advancement, never complaining, never politicking for promotion, Emmanuel was content simply to have earned his commission through faithful service. His concern was not for personal glory but for being loved by his men and maintaining the respect of his comrades. He had no idea that in less than ten months, he would lead those men into battle one final time, giving his life at their head.

The timing of these promotions was providential. God was preparing both brothers for their final sacrifice, Adéodat with the increased responsibility of company command, Emmanuel with the officer’s honor of leading men into combat. Both would fulfill their new duties with the same selfless devotion they had shown as simple soldiers. And both would die as officers of the Papal Zouaves, their ranks earned not through privilege or connections, but through years of patient suffering and faithful service in the defense of the Vicar of Christ.

Emmanuel Dufournel as a lieutenant in his parade uniform.

The Summer of Cholera

In 1867, cholera struck Rome and the surrounding towns. While others fled in terror, the Papal Zouaves marched into the plague-stricken areas. At Albano, where up to a hundred people died daily, fifty Zouaves under Lieutenant de Résimont carried corpses from houses where families had abandoned their own sick and dying. They buried ninety people in a single day.

Adéodat visited Albano during the outbreak, showing no fear. He saw Cardinal Altieri, who died a victim of his own heroic ministry. He wrote: “Everyone here praises our duty. The old women say to us as we pass: Dio vi benedica! (God bless you!)”

When offered leave during the cholera, Adéodat refused: “If cholera were to come, it would only make my duty more imperative. A simple soldier can take leave; there are circumstances where an officer cannot.”

This was the spirit that animated these men, a spirit of total self-sacrifice that seems almost incomprehensible to our therapeutic, safety-obsessed age.

Engraving of Lieutenant Résimont who led the Papal Zouave Company at Albano

Emmanuel’s Glorious Death

When Garibaldi’s forces finally invaded in September 1867, Emmanuel was overjoyed. Finally, the long wait was over. Finally, he could give everything for the cause he loved. He confessed on October 18th and received Holy Communion the next morning. Hours later, he would be at the gates of Heaven.

At Farnese, Emmanuel led twenty Zouaves against what turned out to be three hundred Garibaldians. When ambushed, he did not hesitate. Drawing his saber, he made the sign of the cross with the blade and cried: “In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, forward!”

When the Garibaldians surrounded the house where the Zouaves had taken position, Emmanuel ordered a bayonet charge. However, as the Zouaves tried to work through their makeshift barricade, they found that they had made it too well, and only one man could fit through at a time. Emmanuel rushed out first, striking a Garibaldian on the head so forcefully that his saber broke in two. A dozen enemy soldiers threw themselves on him. He was stabbed and shot fourteen times.

The Zouaves, inspired by the leadership of Emmanuel, fought with such audacity that they managed to drive back the overwhelming force of the Red Shirts. Once the dust had settled, Emmanuel and the rest of the wounded were tended to. When asked about his injuries, Emmanuel’s face showed only satisfaction. “All in front!” he proclaimed with righteous pride. All of his fourteen wounds had occurred in the front of his body. Revealing that he did not show cowardice or retreat in the face of the enemy.

Carried back to Valentano on a crude cart through terrible weather, Emmanuel never complained. When told his wounds were mortal, he smiled and asked only: “How many more hours can I live?” He received the Last Rites with perfect composure, saying: “My sacrifice is made. I die for our religion. I am content.”

His last hours were spent consoling his comrades, distributing keepsakes, expressing gratitude to God for “the honor and grace of such a death,” and hoping only that his brother Adéodat would arrive in time to see him before his death. He died at dawn on October 20th, 1867, his arm around his friend’s neck, prayers for the dying on his lips.

The Martyrdom of Emmanuel Dufournel

Adéodat’s Response

When Adéodat received news of his brother’s death, he rushed to Valentano but arrived too late. He could only pray beside Emmanuel’s coffin, kiss it, and take back his blood-stained clothes and broken saber. His letter to his father reveals his state of soul: “Emmanuel died a saint and the soldiers quarreled over the bloodstained pieces of his linen. Pray for me, that I may imitate his unparalleled courage in danger. It’s martyrdom, and martyrdom means Heaven!”

But Adéodat’s own joy at his brother’s glorious death was mingled with profound sorrow. The one person he loved most in this world, the brother who had followed him to Rome, who had shared his vocation, was gone. Yet his letter to his sister shows how supernatural grace enabled him to write: “You will understand my feelings towards these liberal-minded people who supported this unjust idea of Italian unification; I myself see my brother’s blood on them. May this blood purify me and make me worthy of him!”

The Final Sacrifice

Ten days after Emmanuel’s death, on the morning of October 30th, Adéodat attended Mass in St. Peter’s Basilica. Father de Gerlache noticed him prostrate on the ground after Mass, and when Adéodat rose, his face was radiant. “Yes, Father,” he explained, “I asked the Virgin Mary for the grace to die for the Church.”

That very evening, his prayer was answered. Leading a reconnaissance of a villa where Garibaldians were hiding, Adéodat was shot in the shoulders. The bullet pierced his lung and damaged his spine. He would linger for six agonizing days.

But like his brother, Adéodat never complained. Lying in the hospital, unable to move, he smiled through his suffering. “It’s over,” he told a friend, “you know I’ve always wanted to die.” When offered medicine that repelled him, he accepted it as a penance, joining his suffering to Christ’s thirst on the Cross. When delirious with fever, his only worry was whether he had properly visited all his guard posts; his sense of duty never left him.

He received the Holy Viaticum with perfect devotion, and Father de Gerlache wrote: “Seeing him so calm and collected in his union with the Lord, I thought I could leave him alone with God.”

On November 5th, 1867, Adéodat finally received the death he had so longed for since his first days in Rome. As night fell, he quietly gave up his soul to God. No agony, no struggle, just a peaceful passing after six days of suffering for Jesus Christ and the temporal rights of His vicar on Earth.

Adéodat Dufournel as a captain.

The Meaning of Their Sacrifice

The Dufournel brothers rest today in Rome, in the cemetery of Campo Verano, in a chapel backed against an ancient catacomb where some of the first martyrs were laid. The inscription carved above their tombs reads: “TAKE UP THE MARTYRS OF CHRIST, ADEODATUS AND EMMANUEL DUFOURNEL, WHO SLEEP IN THIS CHAMBER.”

The Dufournel brothers died as true Martyrs, for they died in defense of the Church and her visible head, which stands as an eternal rebuke to the compromises of our age. They understood what so many modern Catholics have forgotten: that some causes are worth dying for. That the Social Kingship of Christ is not a metaphor or a nice idea, but a reality worth defending with blood. That loyalty to the Vicar of Christ, even when the whole world abandons him, is the mark of the true Catholic.

Adéodat once wrote that he believed God had gathered these men from across France for a purpose, to form “a link for the honest people of France when they finally rise against the triumphant revolutionaries.” That purpose is not yet fulfilled. The Revolution still triumphs. The Social Kingship of Christ is still denied.

But the blood of martyrs is never shed in vain. The Dufournel brothers, along with their comrades in the Papal Zouaves, planted seeds that will one day bear fruit. Their example calls to us across the centuries: Be willing to sacrifice everything. Stay at your post no matter how long or how hopeless the wait. Face your enemies with courage. Die with a smile on your lips and the names of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph on your tongue.

This is what it means to be a soldier of Christ. This is Catholic militancy in its purest form. And this is why their story must never be forgotten.

Adéodat and Emmanuel Dufournel, martyrs for the Pope—pray for us.

The article you read was adapted from our translated and republished book: Adéodat and Emmanuel Dufournel: Officers of the Papal Zouaves and Martyrs for the Pope In honor of the anniversary of the Dufournel’s martyrdom, the book is 40% off until the end of October.

https://www.papalzouave.com/product-page/ad%C3%A9odat-and-emmanuel-dufournel-officers-of-the-papal-zouaves

Join the Ranks!