What is a Chapter Amendment?

During and after the legislative session, the Governor’s team reviews every bill that passed both houses of the legislature. Most of these bills the Governor will simply sign or veto, with no back-and-forth with the legislature. But for some bills, the Governor is only willing to sign them only if certain changes are agreed to first.

Because bills generally must be signed by the end of the year in which they pass or else die, this creates a two-bill process. The first bill is the original as passed. The second contains whatever changes the Governor and legislature have agreed to. Since every bill the Governor signs becomes a new “chapter” of New York law, that second bill is known as a “chapter amendment.”

Like any other bill, a chapter amendment must pass both houses and be signed by the Governor, meaning it needs sign-off from the Governor and majorities in both the Senate and Assembly. The changes involved can be small, like pushing back the date a law takes effect or fixing typos, or substantial, like narrowing or expanding a bill’s scope or shifting who’s responsible for enforcing it.

How Does the Chapter Amendment Process Work?

Once the Governor’s office decides that they want to propose a chapter amendment to passed legislation, staff will reach out to ask for a meeting with both staff from houses of the legislature and present these proposed changes. Legislative staff will then analyze these proposed changes, discuss them with the sponsor(s) of the original bill, the chair of the relevant committee if a different person, their house’s leadership and any relevant outside stakeholders like advocates, businesses or other government agencies impacted by the proposed changes.

Sometimes (not always), a compromise will be struck between the original bill and the Governor’s proposed language. When that happens, the Governor typically issues an “approval message“ alongside the original bill. That message explains that the new law will soon be amended, and generally lays out what the forthcoming chapter amendment will change.

The actual text of the chapter amendment isn’t made public until early in the next session (or right before), but it moves quickly once introduced. The whole arrangement runs on a kind of “gentlemen’s agreement:” the Governor signs a bill they don’t fully support, trusting that the legislature will follow through on the amendment the next session, and the legislature passes the second bill quickly the next year in order to keep that trust intact. The sponsor’s memo for the amendment will note which chapter it’s amending, so New Yorkers can track exactly what’s changing in the law.

Of course, negotiations don’t always succeed. When they fail, the Governor may simply veto the bill (leaving the legislature to override the veto if they feel strongly enough about the bill as originally passed).

Have any thoughts or questions on the chapter amendment process? Let me know below!

Bill me later,

P.S.: If you want to dig into how the use of chapter amendments has evolved over time, this excellent piece from NY Focus is well worth a read.

Tuesday June 23, 2026 was primary day in New York and there was a lot of action, particularly on the Democratic side. Two incumbent Congressmen lost their primaries to challengers on their left, as did several members of the state legislature. There were also two rare open house seats in New York City with competitive elections. In a remarkable show of strength, in every race where Mayor Zohran Mamdani endorsed, his preferred candidate won.

To discuss some of these results, and what they might mean for the future, I again spoke to Alex Elmasri, Vice President of Operations and Growth at the Parkside Group, a New York-based political consulting firm. Earlier in his career, Alex was the Executive Director of the New York State Democratic Senate Campaign Committee, where he helped secure the party’s first Super Majority for two consecutive cycles.

Congressional Primary Election Results

Marty: Thanks for taking the time, I appreciate it. Let’s start with the U.S. House race in New York’s 7^th Congressional District where Claire Valdez defeated Antonio Reynoso. Any thoughts on that race?

Alex: I think overall, big picture, none of these results are too surprising. I think everyone’s searching for hot takes overall, and there’s just not that many. I mean, polls showed a close race, but they showed Claire winning. Zohran Mamdani is an unbelievably popular figure right now in New York City, especially among the Democratic electorate, and Zohran made it clear that this was a very important race to him.

Zohran is very good at mobilizing his base of supporters, probably better than anyone else in New York State or New York City, and he spent a lot of time and energy mobilizing his base and his people to go vote for Claire Valdez. And by Election Day, that’s what happened. They mobilized their base better than Reynoso and his supporters were able to mobilize their base.

M: Would you say that basically the same logic that would carry over in New York’s 10^th Congressional District and New York’s 13^th Congressional District, which had Brad Lander defeating Congressman Dan Goldman and Darializa Avila Chevalier defeating Congressman Adriano Espaillat respectively?

A: I think every race is a little different. I think Goldman just never had a shot from the beginning. Lander has represented at least the Brooklyn part of that area for a while. He’s from there. It’s more that he is a good candidate for that district, whether he would be, than it is about left versus right. Brooklyn’s Park Slope is the highest turnout place in the whole state and that’s Brad Lander’s base. So it’d be pretty hard to overcome that for any candidate, regardless of whether that’s Brad Lander running against Dan Goldman or someone else running against Brad Lander.

Moving on to the Espaillat race, yeah, I think that’s more equivalent to the Claire Valdez race. That race was more about who could turn out their base better.

M: Do you think that if Brad Lander had not run for mayor, it would have been as much of a layup for him? I’m wondering if that potentially gave him a lot more fame and visibility to people who are not as tuned into local politics.

A: No, I think he’s very well known in that part of New York City, maybe less so in the Manhattan portion of that district, but he has represented the Brooklyn part of the district prior, he’s from there, and he’s very involved in the community. So obviously the mayoral run elevated his profile, but either way, that’s a district he is definitely very well known in.

M: Yeah, and it almost feels like he was really the incumbent in a sense.

A: Correct. I compare this race to a reverse Latimer-Bowman race. Everyone made the Latimer-Bowman race about Israel. Like everyone made the Lander-Goldman race about Israel. I think if you took Israel out of the equation in both races, Latimer and Lander still would have won. To your point, it’s almost like they’re the incumbents, they’re more just matching of their districts.

M: Now let’s talk about one where the mayor didn’t endorse, at least publicly, and that would be New York’s 12^th Congressional District. Were you surprised the Micah Lasher won or by how close it was? Were you surprised at the vote distribution?

A: I think none of it was surprising. I am a little surprised that it really became a two-way race. I thought it was going to be more of a multi-candidate race, with someone else kind of taking of, either George Conway or Jack Schlossberg. But really everyone died off and it became a two-way race. And I think once it became a two-way race, without a massive changing of the electorate, it would be very hard for Alex Bores to win.

The electorate in that district is older, comes from the West side, and it’s very hard to just eat into that base if you’re Alex Bores and beat Micah Lasher. If there was a surge of young voters and a changing electorate, I think that would have benefited Bores. Also, everyone talked about the money for Bores.

M: That’s what I was going to ask.

A: But Micah Lasher had $10 million spent on him in independent expenditures (non-official and non-directly coordinated campaign spending), and that almost went unreported on. And I think that was to the great benefit of him, obviously.

M: Do you think that any of the pro or anti-AI money, or I guess rather the question should be pro or anti-Bores AI money, make any impact on the result or was it essentially a wash?

A: I think looking at the results, it was probably a wash. I think it also, probably confused voters. I don’t think people are distinguishing, whether Bores was pro or anti-AI. Like, that probably got confusing. And then also, they’re just getting so much mail from him. But again, they’re getting so much communication from Micah Lasher too because he had a $10 million independent expenditure vehicle supporting him. So it probably is a wash at the end of the day because there’s just too much going on.

M: Let’s move out of the city and obviously, you had worked on this race for a candidate who had dropped out before the election happened, but let’s talk a little bit about New York’s 17^th Congressional District, which is likely to be one of the Democrats’ biggest pickup opportunities, certainly in New York, against Congressman Mike Lawler. Any insight into the final result there?

A: I think like New York 12, this was a race that started out as a multi-candidate race, and really just narrowed down to a two-person race. And similarly to Micah Lasher, Cait Conley ran a disciplined campaign, was aided by a lot of outside spending. And it’s almost a similar story, right? Like the electorate went for, and this is nothing against Bores or Beth Davidson, the electorate went for the institutional kind of disciplined candidate who was then able to promote their message with a lot of positive messaging and money and dominate their opponents in that space.

M: Do you think, I guess comparing 17 and 12, do you think that the endorsements from, various elected officials, or things like that really matter in a primary or is it more theatrical?

A: I think it’s a little of both, right? I mean in all these primaries, if you had all the endorsements for no money and no platform, the endorsements don’t work. But in primaries, every little bit counts. And also voters don’t really pay attention in primaries as much as they do in a general election. So if you’re a big fan of Jerry Nadler and Jerry Nadler is saying to vote for Micah Lasher, that’s probably going to help decide your vote. But if you don’t have the money to communicate that or don’t have the money to go out against attacks, that endorsement becomes less relevant.

State Level Results

M: Now let’s talk a little bit about state level elections. Have you noticed any trends and feel free to highlight any races you want here in any of the state Senate or state assembly primaries?

A: Yeah, on the State Senate side, there was barely any primaries. I think the state Senate has handled their politics pretty well, same with their members. So just looking to the state Assembly, there were a lot of challengers that won their elections. But again, I think like the congressional races, none of this to me was too surprising. If you look at the races where the challengers won, these were all in areas that have overlapping DSA (Democratic Socialist of America) or very progressive congressional members. They are all in areas where the electorate is rapidly changing. They’re all in areas where DSA has been organizing for years. I think it would have been more surprising if Stefani Zinerman (AD-58) had won, right? I think it kind of all makes sense if we look at it.

M: Are there any races in any individual districts that bucked this trend? Is there anyone who was able to pull out a surprise victory or maybe lost in a way you didn’t expect?

A: I think it wasn’t a foregone conclusion going into it, but, you know, Assemblymember Jordan Wright (AD-70) had a strong DSA challenger and he was able to pull out a victory, especially because that district completely overlaps with the Espaillat district. So I would say that him holding strong was kind of a bucking of the trend a little bit. So that was interesting to see.

M: Do you have any theories as to why he was able to perform so well?

A: I think one of the things is that he is a younger politician himself, so it’s harder to characterize him as being out of touch. He’s done a really good job of working his district over the years. He was able to get some progressive endorsements and then also, there was a lot of outside money early on spent helping him. So I think that is always helpful as well in these races too.

M: The only statewide primary was for a State Comptroller. And the incumbent Tom DiNapoli won comfortably. Is there anything that you think either of the challengers could have done differently to give him more of a run for his money?

A: One of them could have dropped out. That’s what I would have done differently. I think it’s very, very, very hard to run a primary against a somewhat popular incumbent while also running a primary against another progressive challenger. You’re just never going to pick up momentum. You’re never going to get the attention you need to try to get to that tipping point of 40 to 45%, where maybe you can push it over the end by election day. But, it became an almost impossible task for both Raj Goyle and Drew Warshaw once it was clear neither of them was going to drop out.

Future Implications

M: Zooming out a bit, do you think as a general rule or maybe even just this year in particular, can results from primaries tell us anything about what to expect in November, whether that be turnout or the results themselves?

A: There’s no question that Democrats are fired up and motivated to vote this year. In all of these districts, I think there’s actually pretty high turnout, especially if you look at like the suburban districts like New York 17. Even if you go further upstate, I was looking at some results, you know, Congressman Joe Morelle had an easy win, but there was really high turnout in Monroe County. Even in the suburbs where there was not as many serious races outside of New York City there’s high Democratic turnout in some of these seats. And I think that’s just overall a good sign for Democrats in November.

M: Finally, I’m curious if you think that the state level primary results can tell us anything about what kind of policy we maybe could expect to be a focus of the next legislative session, if you think there were any state level issues that predominated in these campaigns or that might get a renewed focus or push given the group of new members who will be going to Albany next year?

A: Yeah definitely. The tax the rich talk is going to continue. You’re more of an expert in that area than I am, so I’m not going to say if it will actually make an impact or not. I think there’s about 16 DSA or DSA aligned members in the State Assembly now. That’s a larger number than they had before, but still not a large enough number anywhere to like to actually determine the agenda right? Obviously they can make more noise. Obviously they can have more of an influence, but I think, you know, we’re pretty far away and we’ll see what happens during next year’s session.

How do you feel about Alex’s takes? Is there another race worth highlighting? Let me know in the comments!

Bill me later,

Marty

What happens after the Budget passes (assuming it does!?).1

Though the legislative session runs from January to June, a disproportionate number of bills are passed during the final month of the session. With the Budget finally behind them, the Legislature can shift its focus away from what the Governor considers most important and toward the issues legislators themselves want to prioritize. In practice, this means much longer lists of bills being debated and passed on each session day.

In anticipation of this rush, legislative leaders will often ask members to submit short lists of their “priority bills,” meaning the legislation they most want to see passed before session ends. Staff then use these lists to help determine where to focus their limited time and energy during the final weeks.; Some of these bills might also be direct responses to issues that were left out of the Budget in order to reach a final agreement.

Committee Flurry and Shutdown

As discussed back in Post 15, most bills must move through the committee system before reaching the floor.

During Budget season, committees tend to meet less frequently and with shorter agendas because legislators and staff are focused on negotiations. Once the Budget is complete, however, committee activity ramps up quickly.

Part of the urgency comes from the fact that many primary policy committees effectively “shut down” during the final weeks of session so leadership can prioritize floor activity and final passage negotiations. Secondary committees, like Finance and Rules in the Senate and Codes and Ways & Means in the Assembly continue meeting through the end of session and become especially important during this period.

At this stage, bills can easily live or die based on whether these committees decide to move them.

Program Bills

Throughout the year, state agencies send the Legislature requests for legislation. These are known as “program bills.”

Most program bills are technical fixes to existing laws proposed by the people responsible for implementing them. Sometimes, though, they also include new policy ideas from experts working in those issue areas every day.

After the budget is finalized, legislators and staff begin sorting through these proposals. If leadership and committee staff support a bill, the relevant committee chair will often sponsor it.

Still, most program bills never make it to final passage. There are simply more proposals than there is time to consider before the session ends.

Nominations and Appointments

As discussed back in Post 5 only the Senate has the power to confirm the Governor’s nominees. That means the Senate has an additional responsibility at the end of session: handling appointments.

Senate committees will hold confirmation hearings for high-profile nominees such as: agency commissioners, MTA board members, or Court of Appeals judges.

These positions come with significant authority, so senators typically review them more closely.

Most appointments, however, do not receive individual hearings or floor debates. Lower-level judges and appointees to boards and commissions, such as the Adirondack Park Commission, are often confirmed in large batches after senators have had an opportunity to review their qualifications and raise any concerns privately.

Time

As you can probably tell, there is a huge amount to do at the end of session and not much time to do it.

Every day the Budget is delayed makes this challenge even harder. Once the Budget passes, leadership must carefully decide how to use the limited time remaining.

Complicating things further, the Minority Conference can slow down the process by using debate time on bills they oppose. This is especially significant in the Assembly where debate rules are looser than in the Senate, though it affects both chambers.

Because of this, legislative leaders constantly have to make strategic decisions: is debating a controversial bill worth the time it will consume? And will moving one difficult issue prevent several other bills from passing before adjournment?

By the final day of session, even when those days stretch late into the night or spill into extra days, leadership is often forced to choose between parties.

Trust me when I say that as exhausting as this may have been to read…it is nothing compared to how legislative staff are probably feeling right now. So if you happen to run into any in your work or daily life, maybe be kind to them!

Bill Me Later,

Marty

On April 11, Mayor Zohran Mamdani celebrated his 100th day in office. To mark this milestone, he gave a speech at the Knockdown Center in Queens, with special guest Bernie Sanders and launched a website highlighting his administration’s accomplishments, initiatives and appointments so far.

But where did this focus on the “first 100 days” come from, and why does it matter?

Historical Background

The idea of the “first 100 days” dates back to President Franklin Roosevelt. Early in his presidency, Roosevelt wanted to show the country that he was taking swift, decisive action to address the Great Depression.

He referenced his first 100 days in one of his “fireside chat” radio addresses. While he was actually talking about Congress’s activity during that period, the phrase stuck. It has now become a standard way to evaluate the early stretch of an elected official’s term, from President down to Mayor.

But why does the first 100 days matter? Let’s discuss.

Personnel

While many executives begin announcing senior level hires during the transition period between their election and inauguration, there are still many positions left to fill once they take office.

As discussed in earlier posts 16 and 17, much of governing is carried out by staff. That makes early hiring decisions especially important.

These choices:

• Signal what kind of experience the executive values

• Indicate policy priorities

• Shape how effectively an administration will operate

There’s a common phrase in politics: “personnel is policy.” The first round of hires offers an early preview of what an administration is trying to accomplish.

Setting a Tone

No matter the number or array of issues an executive campaigned on to win their election, they have to pick somewhere to start. Like personnel, whatever they choose will send a message to the public about what their focus will be during their first term. For President Obama, it was passing an economic stimulus package to recover from the 2008 economic crash on day 29 and for Mayor Mamdani it was announcing a $1.2B state investment in universal Childcare for New York City alongside Governor Hochul, on day 8.

These early moves shape media coverage and signal to the public what matters most to the administration.

Getting Stuff Done

Executives are often most popular at the start of their terms.

At that point:

• They haven’t yet made decisions that could alienate supporters

• Their political capital is at its highest

• Elections are relatively far away

Because of this, other elected officials may be more willing to take political risks early on. That makes the beginning of a new term one of the best opportunities to pass significant (non-emergency) policy.

A Self-Fulfilling Prophecy

If we are being honest, 100 days is an arbitrary benchmark. There’s nothing inherently special about that number beyond the fact that it’s round and easy to track.

But once the media and political world decided it mattered, it started to matter.

Now:

• The press uses the 100-day mark to evaluate early performance

• Roundup pieces compare actions to campaign promises.

• Administrations try to launch and complete initiatives within that window

In other words, the importance of the first 100 days is, at least in part, self-reinforcing.

What do you think Mayor Mamdani’s most significant first 100-day accomplishment has been? And do you think we should continue using this as a way to measure performance?

Let me know in the comments!

Bill me later,

Marty

Every year, the New York’s State Budget is due on April 1 at midnight.

This year, like the last several, that deadline came and went without a final budget agreement.

So what does a “late budget” actually mean?

Does anything change for New Yorkers?

And why should anyone outside of Albany care?

How Late is “Late”?

In recent years, the budget has consistently been finalized after April 1. Here’s when the Budget has finished in the last 4.

• 2022: April 9

• 2023: May 2

• 2024: April 20

• 2025: May 9

So while April 1 is the official deadline, in practice, negotiations often continue for weeks beyond it.

Why Does This Matter?

A late budget doesn’t mean the government shuts down the way it sometimes does in Washington (more on why below). But a late budget can still have significant policy impacts. This is because the state budget determines:

• How much schools receive in funding

• What local governments can afford to do

• Which programs are expanded, cut, or delayed

• Whether major policy proposals actually happen

When the budget is late, all of those decisions are still unresolved, and that uncertainty can ripple outward.

Impact on the State and its residents

The Governor’s mansion and both houses of the Legislature are under Democratic control, so late Budgets are more often caused by nuanced policy disagreements than efforts to “shut down the government” like we sometimes see in Washington.

Still, when the Budget is not passed on time, the Legislature and Governor need to take action to ensure that the state government, and the programs and services that New Yorkers rely on, continue to operate.

To keep the state running, the Governor will introduce, and the Legislature will pass, an “extender” bill. These bills fund the government for a short period of time and there’s no limit to how mant can be passed if negotiations are still going.Because the Governor introduces these bills, they also determine how long each extender lasts, though most run for one to two weeks.

Impact on State Workers

New York State has thousands of employees across its agencies. Without an enacted budget appropriating funds for the fiscal year, there would be no legal way to pay them. Fortunately, extender bills ensure that most state employees (more on that below) continue to receive their regular paychecks.

However, pay increases for state workers are often tied to the budget, meaning those raises will not take effect until the full budget is finalized.

Impact on State Leaders

In Washington, members of Congress continue to get paid during a shutdown. In New York, members of the Legislature do not when the budget is late. The Governor, however, does continue to get paid when there is a late budget.

The Governor already has an advantage in budget negotiations, since the Legislature must build consensus across its members. The continued paycheck, along with housing provided by the Governor’s mansion, adds another layer to that dynamic.

Legislators want to serve their constituents, but they are also people with families, rent, mortgages, and other obligations. The longer the budget is late, the more personal pressure builds, which can make it harder for the Legislature’s conferences to stick together to continue pushing back on certain proposals.

Why Else Would a Late Budget Matter?

A late Budget also has broader policy implications. School districts base their proposed Budgets around what they expect to receive from the State, and so do many local governments. Additionally, the legislative session is still scheduled to end in early June, leaving less time at the end of session to pass bills. What these bills will be are often determined by what did or did not get done in the Budget, but until the budget is passed, staff and member bandwidth to focus on other issues is severely limited. A late budget can create a “squeeze” at the end of the session where some policy priorities fall off entirely given time needed for floor debates and drafting and amending of bills may be rushed leading to technical errors that need to be fixed later. None of this is intentional of course, but when conditions are crunched something will usually slip through the cracks despite everyone’s best efforts.

Any guesses as to when the Budget will be passed this year?

Let me know in the comments!

Bill me later,

Marty

Starting this week, budget negotiations will take over Albany for at least the next two weeks (and likely longer). During this period, the budget becomes the main focus for legislators, staff, and the Governor’s office.

Because the state budget touches every policy area at once, negotiations are complicated. And because the budget is technically due on April 1, several layers of negotiations happen simultaneously.

So how does this process actually work?

Conference Committees

Conference committees are made up of members from both houses of the Legislature and both political parties. Like budget hearings, Membership is usually based on which policy committees legislators serve on in their chamber.

These committees were originally created to bring more transparency to the budget process. In practice, however, they tend to meet only briefly. Because the meetings are public, they are usually more about members stating their conference’s broad priorities than negotiating details.

The highest-profile version of this group is the General Budget Conference Committee, often nicknamed “the Mothership.” The Mothership includes the legislative and finance leaders from each chamber. Like the other conference committees, it usually meets only once and largely serves a ceremonial role.

Leader Meetings

While staff handle much of the technical work of negotiating the budget, the Governor, the Senate Majority Leader, and the Assembly Speaker also meet periodically to discuss major issues. These meetings were once known as “three men in a room” but today, two of those three individuals are women.

At this level, leaders can:

• Share high-level priorities

• Negotiate on behalf of their members

• Break stalemates on major policy disagreements

Senior staff for these leaders usually attend as well so they can begin implementing any agreements reached during the meeting.

Secretaries

The next level down in negotiations is called the “Secretaries level.”

The name comes from the titles of top aides in each Chamber such as:

• Secretary to the Governor

• Secretary to the Senate Majority Leader

• Secretary to the Assembly Speaker

Top counsel and finance staff will be in these meetings too and they will happen more frequently than leader meetings. Senior staff use them to:

• Carry out instructions from their principals

• Try to resolve disputes that staff negotiators haven’t been able to settle

Because senior staff oversee many policy areas, they often bring in lower level subject-matter experts when specific issues are being discussed.

At this level, negotiators often reach conceptual agreements (broad compromises on policy or funding). The exact language then gets worked out by staff at the next level down.

Tables

Most negotiations (especially early ones) happen at Budget “tables.” While many of these tables are physical, they may also be virtual.

These tables are working groups made up of:

• Majority counsel and finance staff from both legislative houses

• Counsel and budget staff from the Governor’s office

Each table focuses on a specific policy area, such as transportation, housing, education, or healthcare. Even if the relevant policies appear in multiple budget bills, they are usually handled together at the same table.

At these meetings:

• Draft legislative language is written and revised

• Proposals are circulated for feedback

• New ideas from the Governor or Legislature may be introduced

Staff at the tables also report their progress back to the Secretaries level, which can step in if negotiations stall.

Final Thoughts

The state budget is officially due on April 1, but in recent years it has often been finalized weeks later, sometimes stretching into late April or even May.

That means negotiations can go on for a long time. During this period, the people involved in the process get to know each other very well.

The deals made during budget negotiations also shape the rest of the legislative session, influencing what policies move forward in the months that follow.

But that’s a story for another post.

Bill me later,

Marty

P.S. For a thorough examination of how the Legislature’s One House Budget proposals compare to the Governor’s check out this excellent comparison by NY Focus.

In the last post, we talked about the staff that individual elected officials hire for their own offices. But in New York’s Legislature, there is another group of staffers working behind the scene: Central Staff.

Each political conference in the Legislature has its own central staff. These staffers support all members of their conference and play a major role in shaping legislation and policy decisions.

So who are they, what do they do, and why do they matter?

Who They Work For

Central Staff work for all members of their conference within each legislative chamber. Both the Majority Conference and the Minority Conference of each house have their own central staff teams. However, because the majority party controls the chamber’s agenda and committee process, the Majority Conference usually has more staff and a larger budget.

Central staff often work closely with conference leadership, especially when members within the same conference have competing bills or policy priorities. Part of their role is helping coordinate those differences and keep the conference moving in the same direction.

Why They Matter

Central staff members typically cover only a handful of committees or policy areas. Because of this, they often develop deeper subject-matter expertise than legislators or even the members’ legislative directors.

Legislators rely heavily on this expertise. While elected officials always have the final say, many will defer to central staff for guidance on complex policy questions.

For advocates trying to pass legislation, this matters a lot. It is usually easier to stop a bill than to pass one, and central staff play a major role in determining which bills move forward.

Successful advocates understand that building relationships with central staff can be just as important as building relationships with legislators.

Counsel

Legislative counsel staff help members refine and improve their bills.

They work with legislators and legislative directors to:

• Review and edit bill language

• Make sure proposals are legally sound

• Ensure the bill actually accomplishes the policy goal the member intends

Counsel staff also work with chairs to create committee agendas and provide recommendations to conference leadership about which bills are ready to move forward. A small group of the counsel staff also help the members run the proceedings of the floors of each chamber.

During budget season, counsel staff analyze the Governor’s budget proposals and may participate in lower-level negotiations on Article VII bills or on chapter amendments to legislation that has already passed.

Finance/Ways & Means

Many bills have financial impacts that must be analyzed separately from legal or policy consequences. Each legislative chamber has a team dedicated to fiscal analysis:

• In the Senate this team is known as Finance Staff

• In the Assembly, the equivalent group is called Ways and Means Staff

These staff members:

• Evaluate the cost of proposed legislation

• Review the financial impact of bills moving through committees

• Analyze the fiscal impacts of Governor’s budget proposals

During budget negotiations, they help represent their conference’s position on appropriations and spending decisions.

Other Central Staff

Like individual member offices, conferences also employ staff focused on operations and communications. These may include a Chief of Staff, a communications teams, and staff who coordinate with other government agencies.

The Governor’s Team

The Governor’s office has a similar structure.

On the legal side, the Governor has a large counsel team that helps draft budget proposals, prepare executive orders, recommend whether to sign or veto legislation, and suggest potential chapter amendments. The Governor also has Secretaries and Assistant Secretaries who are responsible for policymaking in specific areas.

On the fiscal side, the Division of Budget conducts analysis for the Governor’s office and the State’s executive agencies.

Both of these groups of staffers similarly represent the Governor’s positions in Budget negotiations and chapter amendment discussions.

Final Thoughts

Understanding central staff helps explain why so much of the real work of governing happens behind the scenes. While elected officials make the final decisions, these teams play a major role in shaping policies that ultimately become law.

Bill me later,

Marty

When you elect someone to office, you’re not just electing one person. You’re electing their team too.

Staff play an enormous role in how effectively an elected official can represent their constituents and get things done. The official makes the final decision, of course. But the day-to-day work is largely driven by staff. Many of whom are unpaid, overworked, and deeply committed.

Larger offices have bigger staffs. Smaller offices may combine roles. But here are the positions you’ll find in almost every elected office that comes with a staff budget.

Chief of Staff

Even though the elected official is technically the “boss” there are simply too many decisions for one person to handle alone (especially while also meeting with constituents, working on policy, appearing in the media, and attending events). This is where a chief of staff comes in.

The chief of staff is the elected official’s right hand person. They:

• Run the office’s day-to-day operations

• Oversee the rest of the staff

• Filter decisions before they reach the member

• Make sure all staff members are aligned on priorities.

A good chief of staff will know their boss’ thinking so well that they can anticipate preferences and minimize unnecessary decisions reaching the elected official’s desk.

Legislative Director/Policy Director/Counsel

These roles often overlap, but in all cases this is the staffer who lives in the details of policy and legislation.

In a legislative office, the Legislative Director:

• Drafts the member’s bills

• Analyzes other members bills

• Recommends whether to support or oppose legislation

If this person is an attorney, they may be called “Counsel” but the job is similar, though with the ability to provide legal analysis.

For non-legislative officials (like a District Attorney), this role may be called “Policy Director” instead. Regardless of the title, this person tracks policy developments and advises the official on legislative strategy.

Communications Director

Elected officials communicate constantly through press releases, interviews, speeches, social media, and events.

The Communication Director:

• Handles media inquiries

• Drafts statements and talking points for the elected official

• Shapes messaging

• Often runs or manages social media accounts

This role requires enormous trust. In many cases, the communications director may be posting on behalf of the official directly.

Community Affairs/Liaison

Elected officials are responsible for both big-picture policy and hyper-local issues. If the official is a legislator, they may spend months in the capital city during the session. But constituents still expect them to show up in their districts. A community liaison helps them do this.

Community Liaisons:

• Attend local meetings and events

• Represent the official at street fairs, nonprofit events, town halls

• Report back on what’s happening in the district

They help maintain visibility and connection when the official can’t be physically present.

Constituent Services

This is one of the most important and often least visible roles in any elected office. Constituent services staff help residents navigate often confusing or intimidating government agencies.

People may call with issues involving:

• Social Security benefits

• Visas

• Unemployment benefits

• Utility bills

• Housing disputes

• State agency delays

Even if the issue isn’t technically within the elected official’s authority, staff will try to connect constituents to the right agency or escalate the issue internally. These staffers often build staff relationships inside agencies and can help move things along faster.

Scheduler

Every elected official is invited to more events than they could ever attend, so a good scheduler is key.

The Scheduler:

• Manages the calendar

• Decides, often in consultation with the official or their chief of staff, what gets time and what doesn’t

• Coordinates logistics to maximize an official’s ability to go to multiple events

• Routes requests to relevant staff members

A good scheduler understands priorities, geography, optics, and energy. They might cluster events in one area of a district on a particular day, or need to understand which invitations require the member’s presence versus a staff representative.

There is no formula on how to hire

In New York’s Legislature (and in Congress), each member is given a fixed pot of money and can spend that on staff however they want, prioritizing what they think is most important in being able to attract and keep talented staff. Some may want an attorney to serve as legislative counsel and so may want to pay more for that role than their scheduler. Others may want to run their own social media and save money on a comms director to pay for more community liaisons or constituent services staffers.

So even if all members of a given body receive the same amount of money to pay staff, no two offices will look the same!

What would you prioritize in your office? Let me know in the comments!

Bill me later,

Marty

As discussed way back in Post 006, before a bill can become a law in New York, it usually must move through the committee process. Right now, while the Legislature is reviewing the Governor’s Budget proposal and before full negotiations begin, most of the real action in Albany is happening in committees.

So what actually happens in this process, and why does it matter?

Committee makeup

Each legislative committee has two key leaders:

• A Chair

• A Ranking Member

Since 2019, the Chair has always been a member of the Majority Conference (Democrats) and the Ranking Member has always come from the Minority Conference (Republicans).

The Chair controls the committee’s agenda and sets meeting schedules, usually in close coordination with Conference leadership and committee staff. The Ranking Member cannot set the agenda, but most Chairs allow them to offer opening remarks on the bills being considered.

Committees also include additional members from both conferences, though there are always more members from the Majority Conference. While any Senators or Assemblymember may introduce a bill and have it referred to a committee, only committee members may vote to advance a bill to another committee or to the floor.

Agendas

Committee agendas are typically posted in advance:

• The Assembly usually posts agendas on the Friday before the following week’s meetings.

• The Senate typically posts agendas on Thursday evening before the following week’s meetings.

These agendas list the bills being considered, along with the time and location of the meeting. Committee meetings are open to the public and anyone may attend. They can also be streamed online.

Some meetings are marked as “off the floor.“ This means the committee will meet once the full house gavels in for the day, often in a room close to the chamber so legislators can move quickly between floor business and committee votes.

Agendas can change, sometimes on short notice. If bills are added or removed, or if meeting times or locations change, amended agendas are posted to reflect those updates.

What Happens During Committee Meetings

One of the most surprising things about New York state committee meetings is how quickly they are over.

If you tune in, you’ll often see the Chair quickly move through a list of bills, calling for the necessary motions and votes to advance them. Unlike Congressional committees or New York City Council committees, state legislative committees do not typically allow live testimony from supporters or opponents of a bill.

Instead, committee members rely on:

• Written memos of support or opposition

• Conversations with sponsors and stakeholders outside the meeting

Occasionally, members will ask questions or explain their votes, but extended discussion is rare. Because a bill is unlikely to be placed on an agenda unless it already has the votes to pass, supporters often allow it to move quickly. Opponents frequently wait to voice objections on the floor, where they remarks will reach a wider audience.

“Hostile” Bills

Every so often, a bill will appear on a committee agenda that seems out of place given the party that controls the agenda. When that happens, it’s often because the Minority Conference has used a procedural mechanism that allows it to place a limited number of bills each year.

These bills are unlikely to advance and are often intended to:

• Divide the Majority Conference, or

• Force members to take difficult or politically sensitive votes

In recent years, Republicans have used this tool to force votes on issues such as voter ID legislation (which failed in committee), and a bill banning trans athletes from competing in women’s sports (which passed one committee but failed to advance further).

Committee Agendas as Clues

Now that the Governor’s Budget proposal has been released, committee agendas can serve as a kind of preview of what’s to come.

As I mentioned in my last post, the Legislature is protective of its institutional authority (even when the Governor is from the same party). As a result, it will often reject Budget proposals it agrees with in substance, arguing instead that those policies should move through the regular legislative process.

To support that position, the Legislature will sometimes advance standalone bills through the committee, and later the floor, that are similar (or that inspired) the Governor’s budget proposals. Doing so can make the case that a policy does not need to remain in the budget.

If you want to read the tea leaves, keep an eye on those committee agendas.

Any questions on committees and how they operate? Let me know in the comments.

Bill Me Later,

Marty

P.S. Please enjoy this clip of one of the spiciest moments in the history of Transportation budget hearings.

So the Governor has released her Budget proposal…now what?

At this stage, the Legislature begins responding publicly and formally. That response happens in two main steps: budget hearings and one house bills.

Budget Hearings

The Senate and Assembly hold a series of joint budget hearings organized by topic (like Health, Housing, and Transportation). These hearings allow legislators to question agency heads, local elected officials, and advocates about their funding needs for the upcoming fiscal year.

This year’s hearings began last week and will continue through February 26.

These hearings are all co-chaired by Senate Finance Chair Liz Kreuger of Manhattan and Assembly Ways and Means Chair J. Gary Pretlow of Yonkers but any legislators who sit on a committee connected to the hearing’s subject area may attend and ask questions. Because each hearing covers a huge amount of policy (and often features dozens of witnesses, sometimes grouped into panels) it’s not unusual for a single hearing to last 10 hours.

These hearings are especially important because unlike Congress, New York State legislative committees do not regularly call witnesses to testify. As a result, budget hearings are often the only opportunity legislators have to question agency heads and others live on camera. While written testimony can be submitted, many advocates prefer to appear in person so they can make their case directly to lawmakers. So off to Albany they go.

“Tin Cup Day”

The most high-profile hearing is usually the local government hearing. This hearing typically includes the mayors and chief financial officers of New York City, Albany, Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, and Yonkers. It’s often nicknamed “Tin Cup Day” because much of the testimony focuses on asking the State for additional funding to support their local governments. For instance, the February 11 local government hearing is likely to feature Mayor Zohran Mamdani urging legislators to raise taxes on the wealthy to fund his “fast and free” bus proposal, and to support the Governor’s proposal to provide child care funding for New York City.

Legislators also often use this hearing to press mayors on local concerns, or, at times, to challenge mayors who are unpopular in their districts.1 This was especially common during the final years of Mayor Adams’ administration.

One House Bills

As hearings wrap up, legislators and staff combine the what they’ve learned from testimony with their own analysis of the Governor’s budget bills. Each house then produces a formal response called “a one house bill.”

Each house (the Senate and the Assembly) passes its own one house bill. These are not full budgets. Instead they are resolutions that lay out the majority conference’s positions on the Governor’s proposals.

Because each majority conference has dozens of members, one house bills reflect a general consensus, not the preference of any single legislator. That said, committee chairs often have more influence over the sections related to their policy areas of authority.

One house bills:

• Accept, reject, or modify the Governor’s proposed funding levels and policy changes.

• Add new projects or legislative proposals the house wants included in the final budget.

In recent years, the Senate has tended to add more new proposals than the Assembly.

It is also worth noting that the Legislature is protective of its institutional power. As a result, it will sometimes reject proposals it philosophically agrees with, not because it opposes the idea, but because it believes the policy should move through the regular legislative process rather than the budget. For that reason, a proposal being “rejected” in a one house bill does not necessarily mean it’s dead. Many such items ultimately reappear in the final budget as part of a compromise with the Governor.

One house bills are typically passed on or around March 15, leaving about two weeks before the April 1 budget deadline.

Once these resolutions are adopted, real negotiations begin…but that’s another story for another post.

Bill Me Later,

Marty

Last week, the Governor released the full text of her Executive Budget Proposal. Despite the singular name, this “proposal” is actually a package of at least ten separate bills that together make up New York State’s Budget.

Taken together, these bills span thousands of pages, which can make them feel overwhelming at first glance. Still, they are the documents that determine how state tax dollars are spent. Understanding how they’re organized makes them much easier to navigate.

All of these bills (along with supporting materials and memos) are publicly available online, though they are not especially intuitive if you’re new to the process.This post is meant to serve as a guide: what the major budget bills are, what they do, and where to look if you want to explore the Governor’s proposals yourself.

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The Appropriations Bills

The State Constitution requires the Governor’s budget to include both:

1. Appropriations (new spending), and

2. Any legislation needed to make that spending possible

There are five main appropriation bills, each covering a different area of state government. These bills clearly distinguish between:

• Appropriations (new money proposed for the year), and

• Reappropriations (unspent funds from prior years being reused).

That distinction makes it easier to see what funding is truly new versus what is being carried forward.

The Five Appropriation bills are:

• State Operations: Funds the executive branch of state government. This includes payroll and benefits for employees across nearly all state agencies and commissions, as well as federal grants and program spending within each agency.

• Legislature and Judiciary: Covers the operating expenses of the legislative and judicial branches, including subentities like the Independent Redistricting Commission.

• State Debt Service: Pays the state’s existing debt obligations. Because failure to pass this bill would have serious economic consequences, it is usually passed first and with little controversy.

• Aid to Localities: Provides funding to local governments and nonprofit organizations through grants and direct payments. Funds are organized alphabetically by the state agency distributing them.

• Capital Projects: Funds long-term investments in infrastructure and facilities, such as transportation, housing, and public buildings. Like Aid to Localities, it is organized by agency.

Article VII (“Article 7”) Bills

In addition to appropriations, the Governor submits a set of legislative proposals called Article VII bills. These bills get their name from Article VII of the State Constitution, which grants the Governor the ability to introduce legislation directly as a part of the budget. Outside of emergencies, this is the only time the Governor can do this. As a result, the Governor often includes a large number of policy proposals in these bills.

Each article VII bill is divided into smaller sections called “parts,” labeled by letters (Part A, Part B, etc). In addition, each part comes with its own memo explaining why the Governor believes the proposal is necessary. As an example, see a budget part and its corresponding support memo.

Not all of these proposals will survive negotiations. Some will be amended, some will be moved into different bills, and others will be dropped entirely. After the budget is released, the Governor has 30 days to amend her proposals, and both houses of the Legislature will propose additional changes as negotiations unfold.

Article VII bills are organized by policy area. Below are a few examples of how proposals discussed in my last post appear in this year’s budget bills:

• Education, Labor and Family Assistance (ELFA)

  • Part P: Establishes enhanced criminal penalties for landlords who systematically harass rent-regulated tenants, particularly repeat offenders across multiple buildings.

• Health and Mental Hygiene (HMH)

  • Part N: Expanding scopes of practice for nursing assistants and physicians assistants to address healthcare workforce shortages.

• Public Protection and General Government (PPGG)

  • Part C: Prohibits 3D printers from producing unlicensed firearms or firearm parts and establishes criminal penalties for doing so.

  • Part M: Allows New Yorkers to bring state-level civil lawsuits against federal officers who violate their U.S. constitutional rights.

• Transportation, Economic Development and Environmental Conservation (TEDE)1

  • Part I: Advancing the Second Avenue Subway extension along 125th Street.

  • Part N: Proposes multiple measures aimed to lowering utility bills.

• Revenue (REV)

  • Part B: Eliminates state income taxes on up to $25,000 of tipped income for tax year 2026.

Constitutional Amendments?

Occasionally, the Governor will attempt to use the budget process to amendments to the State Constitution. Unlike budget bills, however, the Legislature is not required to consider these proposals.

For example, in 2022 Governor Hochul proposed a constitutional amendment to impose term limits on statewide elected officials, but the Legislature did not advance it.

This year, the Governor is proposing an amendment that would allow land previously used for upstate prisons to be sold and repurposed for housing development and environmental conservation.

Other Key Budget Documents

While the bills themselves are what ultimately can become law, several supporting documents are also worth a look:

• Budget Briefing Book: A high-level summary of many of the Governor’s proposals (discussed in my last post).

• Financial Plan: Lays out the full plan for spending and revenue over multiple years required by the State Constitution.

• Economic and Revenue Outlook: Explains what state revenue comes from and provides economic forecasts for New York and the nation.

• Five-Year Capital Program and Financing Plan: Details major capital projects and how the state plans to pay for them.

If anything here surprised you, or if there is a particular proposal or document you’d like to explore more deeply, let me know. I’m always happy to dig in.

Bill Me Later,

Marty

P.S. If you are looking for ways to support people responding directly to ICE’s occupation of Minneapolis, please consider making a donation here: https://chuffed.org/project/support-frontline-organizers-fighting-to-kick-ice-out-of-minnesota

Every January, the Governor of New York delivers a State of the State address. In this speech, the Governor outlines her policy priorities for the year and describes at a high level what she hopes to accomplish through the state budget, legislation, and executive action.

Over the years, this address has taken many forms: speeches in the Assembly Chamber, appearances at performance venues in Albany, and even a series of regional speeches delivered across the state.

At the same time, the Governor also releases a State of the State Book. This document is less flashy than the speech, but often more revealing. It lays out the Governor’s policy agenda in greater detail and includes proposals that may not make it into a 45-minute address. Some ideas are ambitious and headline-worthy; others are more technical or targeted, but no less important.

Many of the proposals in the book will eventually appear in the Governor’s budget proposal, which is released later in January. However, inclusion in the book (or even the speech), is not a guarantee that a proposal will move forward, be funded, or ultimately become law. Still, the book offers a valuable look at where the Governor is hoping to steer the state this year. Here are a few proposals that caught my eye:

Childcare and Education

• Proposes funding to support universal pre-k for families in New York State by the start of the 2028-29 school year, and universal 2-K and 3K for families in New York City within four years.

• Creates an accelerated teacher preparation pathway for individuals who already hold a bachelor’s degree.

  • Allows required pre-service work in high-need classrooms to count toward teacher certification.

  • Aims to move prospective teachers into classrooms more quickly.

• Freezes tuition for in-state undergraduates at SUNY -operated campuses and CUNY senior colleges, while providing additional operating aid to these institutions.

• Expands access to teen mental health first aid training for all 10th graders statewide, as well as adults who regularly work with teens in schools and community programs.

Criminal Justice and Civil Rights

• Prohibits 3D printers from producing unlicensed firearms or firearm parts and establishes criminal penalties for doing so.

• Allows New Yorkers to bring state-level civil lawsuits against federal officers who violate their U.S. constitutional rights.

• Protects “sensitive locations” such as schools, from civil immigration enforcement without a judicial warrant.

• Establishes buffer zones around houses of worship and reproductive healthcare facilities to regulate protests.

• Creates a State Census Commission to prepare New York for the 2030 census

• Launches a new legal hotline and resource website for the LGBTQ+ community.

Transportation, Infrastructure, and Housing

• Funds design and preliminary engineering to advance tunneling along 125th Street, connecting the Second Avenue Subway (Q line) to multiple subway lines.

• Proposes redesigning Jamaica Station to improve connectionsbetween the LIRR, JFK AirTrain, and subway.

• Streamlines environmental impact review and fast-tracks approvals for green infrastructure projects to reduce costs and accelerate housing development.

• Introduces a package of reforms aimed at lowering car insurance costs, including:

  • Increasing prosecutions of insurance fraud.

  • Allowing policyholders to collect interest on unpaid claims.

  • Limiting damages that at-fault drivers can collect.

  • Offering lower rates to drivers who opt into programs shown to reduce accidents

• Establishes stronger criminal penalties for landlords who systematically harass rent-regulated tenants, particularly repeat offenders across multiple buildings.

Energy and the Environment

• Expands the use of nuclear power to create an 8.4 gigawatt “backbone” of energy generation.

• Proposes multiple measures to lower utility bills, including:

  • Providing consumers who use smart thermostats or similar technologies with $25 off their monthly utility bill in the first year

  • Requiring energy-intensive data centers to pay more for electricity, helping reduce costs for other ratepayers.

Technology

• Requires all data brokers operating in New York State to register with the State and allows residents to submit a single, centralized request to delete certain categories of personal data.

• Expands prohibitions on the use of deepfakes in political advertisements.

• Launches a downstate Semiconductor Chip Design Center.

• Restrict children from certain social media features:

  • Banning integrated AI chatbot features for minors.

  • Limiting direct messages from non-connections.

  • Defaulting minors to the highest privacy settings, including limits on real-time location sharing.

Taxes and Business

• Eliminates state income taxes on up to $25,000 of tipped income in tax year 2026.

• Modernizing state liquor laws by:

  • Allowing alcohol producers to own up to three restaurant or tavern licenses

  • Permitting restaurants and bars at manufacturing facilities

  • Allowing dancing in restaurants (yes, really).

• Removes sales tax on use of commercial electric vehicle charging stations.

Healthcare

• Expands scopes of practice for nursing assistants and physicians assistants to address healthcare workforce shortages.

• Ensures New York can set its own immunizations standards based on accepted medical science and public health records

This is just a snapshot. The State of the State book also includes dozens of proposed grant programs, pilot initiatives, and new agency guidance designed to advance the Governor’s broader policy goals.

We’ll have to wait and see which of these ideas appear in the Governor’s budget proposal, and which ultimately make it across the finish line.

If you’d like a deeper dive into any of these proposals, let me know in the comments.

Bill me later,

Marty

P.S. Thank you as always to (my fiancé!) Jane on her editing expertise!

Earlier this month, New York State released its legislative calendar. This calendar might look like a simple grid of dates, but for legislators, staff, and advocates, it shapes the next six months of their lives, and in turn the lives of everyone in New York State.

The days marked in blue, often called “blue box” days, are when votes will almost certainly happen. These are the days when lawmakers are expected to be in Albany for floor sessions, negotiations, and in-person meetings. As of now, there are 61 such days scheduled, though more are often added as the session unfolds. Of course, policy work happens all year long. But if you’re trying to understand when decisions actually get made, the blue box days are a good place to look. While no one can predict exactly what will happen in a given session, the early weeks tend to follow a fairly consistent rhythm. Here’s what you can generally expect at the start of the 2026 New York State Legislative Session.

Week 1: The Opening Day

The State Constitution requires the Legislature to convene on “the first Wednesday after the first Monday in January.” In 2026, that date is January 7th. Despite the official start, very little official business happens this week. In fact, this “week” is really just one day. It’s used to swear in new members, elect legislative leadership, adopt rules for the session and mark the beginning of the year with speeches and receptions.

One quiet but important thing does happen: the clock starts ticking on the three-day aging requirement for bills, a constitutional rule that prevents legislation from being voted immediately after it’s introduced. Real legislative work begins the following week.

Week 2: Bills and Signals

During the second week, both houses (The Senate and The Assembly) begin passing bills in earnest. Since 2019, the Senate has traditionally opened its session with “Democracy Day.” On this day, the Senate Majority passes a package of voting and election rated bills to emphasize its view that the right to vote underpins all other rights. For example, early voting legislation passed the Senate on its first ever Democracy Day in 2019.

This week is also when lawmakers often take up “chapter amendments.” These are changes to laws that were passed late in the previous year but required follow-up adjustments to secure the Governor’s signature. Because these amendments were already negotiated in advance (between the bill sponsor, legislative leadership, and the Governor), they tend to move quickly, even if the changes themselves are significant.

On the second day of this two-day “legislative week” the Governor will likely deliver her “State of the State” address. Similar to a President’s “State of the Union” address, this speech outlines the Governor’s policy priorities for the year. It also offers an early preview of what may appear in her upcoming budget proposal.

Week 3: Committees and the Budget Drop

By the third week, the legislature’s committees begin meeting regularly. Committees are where bills are debated, amended, and advanced before reaching the floor. Early on, they often focus on bills that passed one house last year but stalled in the other (or were vetoed by the Governor) since those bills were already reviewed and debated. Not every committee meets every week, but from this point forward, there’s almost always something happening somewhere in the Capitol.

This week is also significant for another reason: the Governor’s State Budget Proposal. The Constitution requires the Governor to release the budget by January 20th, though she may choose to release it earlier.

The budget is more than just a spending plan. It includes both funding proposals and policy changes the Governor wants the Legislature to enact in order to reach a final budget agreement. It’s usually released alongside presentations, charts, and press briefings explaining and defending the proposals. Once it’s out, legislators and staff dive in, reading closely, identifying concerns, and preparing questions.

Week 4: Analysis and Hearings

By late January or early February, both houses publish detailed analyses of the Governor’s budget. In the Assembly, this document is known as the Yellowbook; in the Senate, it’s the Bluebook named for the colors of their covers. After these analyses are released, the Legislature begins holding joint budget hearings, organized by policy area. These hearings allow lawmakers to question agency heads, advocates, and experts about what the Governor has proposed, and what might be missing.

I’ll save the rest of the budget process (there’s a lot) for a future post. But this should give you a clearer picture of what typically unfolds in Albany as the 2026 session gets underway.

Bill Me Later,

Marty

P.S.

Thank you again to Jane Rosenfeld for all of her editing help on the last few pieces!

Something unusual is happening in New York politics.While Governor Kathy Hochul has already launched her re-election campaign for 2026, the only other candidate in the Democratic primary as of now is Antonio Delgado, the current Lieutenant Governor. Hochul picked Delgado after her first Lieutenant Governor, Brian Benjamin resigned following bribery allegations that federal prosecutors later dropped.

So… what exactly is a Lieutenant Governor? What do they do? And how do they get elected? Let’s break it down.

What is a Lieutenant Governor? Duties and Informal Responsibilities

The Lieutenant Governor of New York (“LG”) is the second-highest official in New York State, right after the Governor. Their biggest constitutional role is simple: if the Governor dies, resigns, or is unable to serve, the Lieutenant becomes Governor.

Other than that, New York’s Constitution gives the LG very few formal powers. It says only that the LG:

• Is elected at the same time as the Governor

• Serves a 4-year term

• Presides over the State Senate and can break ties

But because the Senate has 63 members, tied votes almost never happen even when it is closely divided. So the LG rarely uses that power.

In practice, most of the LG’s responsibilities come from what the Governor wants or allows. LGs might:

• Travel around the state promoting the Governor’s priorities

• Serve as the bridge to members of the Legislature on bills and Budget

• Take on specific policy areas assigned by the Governor

For example:

• Then-LG Hochul traveled widely and frequently around the State to promote Governor Cuomo’s agenda.

• LG Benjamin worked closely with the Legislature and was involved in economic development and criminal justice.

• LG Delgado was put in charge of a new Office of Service and Civic Engagement, until his relationship with Hochul deteriorated.

• But and the recent removal of Delgado’s office space and reassignment of staff show that these assignments can be taken away from LGs at any time.

So is the LG an unimportant job? Not necessarily. Two of the last three New Yorkers Governors (Hochul and Paterson) became Governor because their predecessors resigned. That’s why the LG choice matters, even if the day-to-day job seems limited.

What do Governors Look When Choosing a Lieutenant Governor?

Every Governor has their own strategy in who the pick as LG, but some trends in the choices seem to be common.

1. Geographic or Demographic “Balance”

Governors often choose someone who brings political strengths they lack. Maybe from a different part of the state or a different demographic group.

Examples:

• Governor Cuomo (from Queens/Westchester) picked Rochester Mayor Robert Duffy as his first LG.

• In 2014, Cuomo wanted to highlight his “women’s equality” agenda, (I know.) so he chose Kathy Hochul, a former Congresswoman from Buffalo.

• Hochul, a white woman from upstate, has chosen two Black men from further downstate. The first was Brian Benjamin (a State Senator from Harlem) and the second is Antonio Delgado (a Congressman from the Hudson Valley)^.

2. Political Compatibility

Some Governors want a true governing partner with legislative connections. Others prefer someone who will largely stay out of their way.

• Hochul valued Benjamin’s strong ties in the Legislature.

• Cuomo tended to choose LGs who would not challenge him politically.

How Lieutenant Governors Used to Be Elected in New York

Until 2026, New York did something only a few other states did. Its candidates for Governor and Lieutenant Governor ran in separate primary elections but together in the general election. Candidates often campaigned as “tickets,” but voters could, and often did, mix and match who they voted for.

This led to some strange outcomes:

• 2010: Carl Paladino won the Republican primary for Governor, but his rival Rick Lazio’s running mate won the Republican primary for LG, forming a mismatched ticket.

• 2018: Jumanne Williams nearly beat Kathy Hochul for LG even though Andrew Cuomo easily defeated Cynthia Nixon for Governor.

These separate primaries also meant that an LG was fully independent from the Governor. Governors could not fire their LG, even if the relationship fell apart. And that is exactly what happened with Hochul and Delgado.

In July 2024, Delgado called for President Biden to not run for re-election, even while Hochul continued supporting him. After the 2024 election, Delgado published an op-ed in the NYTimes criticizing Hochul’s moderate governing style. In June 2025, Delgado declared his own campaign for Governor and began sharply criticizing the same Governor who selected him as LG. Because LGs were elected independently, Hochul had no ability to prevent him from running for that office again.

How the Law Changed

Unsurprisingly, Governor Hochul wanted to make sure future Governors wouldn’t face the same problem. So in the 2025 State Budget (a topic for a later post), she proposed a major change. As part of the FY2026 Budget Agreement, lawmakers passed a law requiring Governors and Lieutenant Governors to run together on a single ticket in the primary and general election. This change will be in effect in 2026 and brings New York in line with 19 other states that already use this system.

What’s Next?

With Delgado running against her, Governor Hochul will need to select a new LG. There’s plenty of speculation about who she might pick (here are some of the likely contenders) but none of them will have to win their own primary election thanks to this year’s law change.

Bill Me Later,

Marty

P.S. If you’re interested in the role of LG, highly recommend this episode of the Dispatches From Planet Albany podcast, featuring a great interview with former LG Brian Benjamin about his time in office and the circumstances surrounding his resignation and the later dismissal of the charges.

You’ve probably seen lots of coverage of this month’s election results. It was a great night for Democrats with Zohran Mamdani elected Mayor of New York City, flipping the Virginia Governor, Lt. Governor, and Attorney General Offices, and retaining the Governorship of New Jersey. There were also a ton of local elections across New York State, where Democrats did very well, though with one glaring exception.

To discuss some of these results, and what they might mean for the future, I spoke to Alex Elmasri, Vice President of Operations and Growth at the Parkside Group, a New York-based political consulting firm. Earlier in his career, Alex was the Executive Director of the New York State Democratic Senate Campaign Committee, where he helped secure the party’s first Super Majority for two consecutive cycles.

This transcript has been lightly edited for clarity.

Marty: There’s been lots of media coverage about the national elections that have happened, including governorships and the mayor of New York City that have gotten a lot of news coverage. But obviously a lot of elections happened in New York State. And so I thought we could focus on what happened in a few specific places, and why it may be significant. Why don’t we start first with Dutchess County.

Alex: Dutchess County has been a long-time purple swing county. It’s a county of basically 300,000 people, so it’s a fairly large county in New York State. It’s at the center of swing state Senate districts, and congressional districts, so it’s an important county in the state. Locally it’s a swing county but Republicans have had control of both the County Executive’s office and the County Legislature, but a couple cycles ago Democrats started to flip things locally. They took back a couple of county legislature seats, the County Comptroller and then the District Attorney. This year, they targeted a handful of seats and finally they were able to flip the county legislature, for the first time in a really long time.

M: This is the first time the Dutchess County Legislature will have a Democratic majority in about 20 years. Do you have any sense of what may have caused that to switch?

A: I think it’s a couple of things. We’ve seen throughout the Hudson Valley, if you look at Ulster, Columbia, even Green, obviously Westchester, the Hudson Valley has just become more and more Democratic. Part of this is reflective of new people moving into the area and part of this is just the local electorate becoming more anti-Trump. But also, these counties have just been better organized with better leadership locally and I think for the first time putting all these trends together a couple things happened locally. They ran a really good slate of candidates. The candidates were well respected within the community and they had a really good organization. They were able to raise money, were able to spend it, had a good field program, and everything kind of came together in one moment which I think allowed this to happen.

M: Now let’s move to Orange County. There were also some Democratic gains there, correct?

A: Yeah. So the Republicans had a super majority in the County Legislature and the Democrats were able to break that. And I think there’s one race that’s still left to be decided. But if that race goes the Democrat’s way, the party will be two seats away from a majority, which like Dutchess County is a huge, huge feat. Again, I think it’s a similar thing where, you know, population trends combined with a true slate of high quality candidates with money behind them makes a difference. And I think a similar situation played out there.

M: Let’s talk a little bit about further upstate, in Monroe (which contains Rochester) and Onondaga (which contains Syracuse) counties. I believe in Onondaga County, the legislature flipped as well. And in Monroe, I believe it was already Democratic, but there were further gains.

A: Yep. So I think, you know, again, similar situations in that, like, to your point, Monroe was one of the first counties to start flipping in upstate New York. I know the Democrats took back the County Executive office, they took back the county legislature, and Town Supervisors have been flipping too so I think just it was the last bastions of possible places to take back. There was one town (Greece, NY) that elected a Democratic Town Supervisor for the first time in a hundred years. These kinds of suburban and exurban areas under Trump have been turned democratic have now been “taken back” and I think that’s what we saw in Monroe. To be honest the same thing happened in Onondaga. I think in a lot of places like Onondaga County, Democrats just have not run great campaigns before. That’s not to put anyone down from before but this was kind of done it for the first time this year. When you run a good race in a place where there are people willing to vote for Democrats you’re gonna win.

M: There is one county in New York that has seemed to have stuck out of this trend, so I want to ask why you think Nassau County might be different. What may have happened there? It seems to me that Westchester and Nassau, both 10 years ago, were kind of left of center potentially or followed similar trajectories where there would be Republicans locally, but nationally they could go either way. It seems that Westchester has moved to the left starting in 2017 and kind of stayed there or gotten more progressive, whereas Nassau has moved back towards the right. And so I’m wondering your thoughts on why that might be.

A: Yeah, I think it’s important to take into consideration the five, six year context which you were kind of alluding to. Yes, Nassau stayed mostly to the right this election cycle, but it is a trend we’ve seen. And I think to your point, whereas Westchester became more Democratic, I don’t think Nassau was necessarily bound to become more Republican, but it just has not swung back from its rightward trend. But, you know, there are certain other parts of the state that have moved similarly rightward, like Southern Brooklyn, right? These places that have embraced Trump and Trump politics. Otherwise we wouldn’t see Donald Trump be president or, you know, kind of far right members of Congress getting elected. And I think, Nassau County, Southern Brooklyn, parts of Rockland County, parts of Staten Island, these are places where Trump is not as unpopular as he is in other places. So it’s harder to run campaigns as Democrats in those areas. I think it again goes back to candidate quality. I think the right type of Democrat is probably one who can kind of cut across lines, but it’s really finding that right type of candidate.

M: Do you think there is still an ability for local candidates to separate themselves from a national figure like Trump in these places? Or is it just too difficult because people focus on national issues and then they vote down the ballot that way?

A: I think the perfect campaign is a mix of both. I think it’s one that can take advantage of the national moment, right? Because politics or elections are all about trends and waves and where the wind is. So I think A is taking advantage of those national trends, but B is finding the local issues that really matter and resonate with voters and making those local connections as a candidate. So I don’t think it’s one or the other.

M: Are there any other results within the State that you think people should know about?

A: I think people lump the two Long Island counties together all the time. You correctly only pointed out Nassau’s shift rightward. Suffolk County did not have a blue wave, but I would point out that being a little more removed from New York City, has an electoral impact. People just aren’t commuting into the City from there as much as Nassau and it had a mixed night. There were some wins and some races that were close. So I think it’ll be interesting to see next year, especially with the Lolota district out there (NY-1). While it’s fairly Republican, I think it’ll be interesting to see kind of where Suffolk County ends up falling in the next couple of years. If it remains a swing area, if it becomes more Democratic, or less democratic. The Hudson Valley’’s becoming more Democratic, and Nassau’s looking a little more Republican but I think Suffolk County is kind of a question mark.

M: Do you think that this year’s voters can tell us anything about who the 2026 electorate might be?

A: We saw record turnout in a lot of places. And, you know, it was a lot of Democrats and a lot of Republicans, but just a lot more Democrats turning out than usual. And I think that at least tells you that Democrats are excited to vote right now and make a statement. I don’t think it is a major predictor, but I think it’s one kind of tool that we can look at. If I have to bet, 2026 will look more Democratic than Republican. But all these things are on the margin, right? So is it enough to make it a blue wave year in 2026? I don’t want to get too ahead of myself in saying that, but all signs point to 2026 being a Democratic year. But is it enough to call it a blue wave here? I think we need to wait and see.

M: What makes an election a “blue wave” to you?

A: It’s winning of all the elections you expect to win plus a couple swing seats. Seats that are on the verge where it’s there’s a fairly Republican seat but the Democrats are running a good campaign, spending money and end up winning. Those are what I would consider blue wave years. Where it’s just a sweep across the board.

M: Do you think that the government shutdown impacted any of the election results in New York? I know we saw a lot of coverage about how it may have affected the Virginia gubernatorial election given the number of federal workers there.

A: No I don’t. I think at the end of the day people are paying attention to what’s happening in their own houses and they’re angry at what trump is doing. Things are more expensive and they’re going to blame that on the party in power.

M: What should people who care about the 2026 elections be doing right now, if anything, to help with efforts to fight back against the current administration?

A: I think it’s first finding out if you live in a swing district. This means identifying who your Congressperson, State Senator, or State Assemblymember is, and seeing if they have a real race. Then it means figuring out ways to connect with their campaign. If you don’t live in a place where you can make a local impact, because you’re in a place where it’s a safe democratic seat, I’d look towards opportunities in the Hudson Valley, Long Island, or other states where you can make an impact volunteering.

Bill Me Later,

Marty

P.S.: If you have something you’d like to discuss with me for the Substack please reach out! I’m looking to mix in more interviews with the written pieces

In post S006, we talked about how ideas become laws in New York. But unless you are an elected official yourself, you’ll be pushing for these ideas as an advocate. Advocates can be individual constituents or representatives of a larger organization with particular policy goals. Some are paid (lobbyists), and some are volunteers. They might make the case for their ideas in formal testimony, meetings, or demonstrations. If you know how to advocate effectively, you can have a real impact on your community, your state, and even the country.

Know Your Issue

Lawmakers are responsible for drafting and voting on legislation across every imaginable topic. Even staffers with specific policy portfolios like “health,” “environment,” or “labor” can’t know every detail of these broad areas. Good advocates understand this. They come prepared to explain the bill or proposal they care about, answer likely questions, and follow up promptly when they don’t know something.

Politicians are often cautious. They won’t support (or oppose) a bill or proposal they do not understand. If you seem unprepared, they’re unlikely to take a risk on your issue. Investing a bit more time upfront to understand the details will pay off later.

Be Honest

Your credibility is your most important asset, and the easiest to lose.

Because advocacy happens over years and across many bills, lawmakers and their staff remember who kept their word and who overpromised. Never bluff an answer you’re unsure of. It’s far better to say, “I’ll check and get back to you.” Lawmakers and their staff rely heavily on the information advocates provide, and if they act on something inaccurate, it damages trust that’s very hard to rebuild.

Know Your Priorities

If you are advocating as a volunteer, you likely care deeply about your issue. That passion is helpful, but it can make it hard to identify which parts of a proposal matter most. Legislating is a messy process. Many groups and individuals have a say, and compromise is inevitable. If your bill has ten sections, you should be clear about which ones are essential and which ones are negotiable. Lawmakers and staff often negotiate with other legislators without you in the room. If they don’t understand your priorities, they can’t protect them. Saying “everything is equally important” is almost never true and only weakens your credibility. Being realistic upfront about what you can live with will make you a stronger advocate.

Build Trust

Understanding a lawmakers political reality is just as important as understanding the policy itself. Some politicians really do care about the merits of a proposal, but most must also consider their colleagues, their constituents, and their own political survival in thinking about that proposal. It would be fantastic if more lawmakers could focus solely on “doing the right thing” rather than the politics and interpersonal dynamics involved, but we all know that this just isn’t usually the case.

If a lawmaker or their staff believe that you understand the position they are in, they will be more likely to trust you as an advocate. Advocates who show respect, patience, and an awareness of those constraints tend to get more done over time.

And disagreements will happen. A sophisticated lawmaker won’t hold it against you if you publicly oppose them on a particular issue, as long as the relationship is grounded in mutual respect. But publicly attacking someone who delivered most of your priorities is one of the quickest ways to lose their support in the future.

Final Thoughts

There’s no “one-size-fits-all” approach to advocacy. Every situation requires judgement. But the principles above: knowing your issue, being honest, understanding your priorities, and building trust, will make you far more effective, no matter what you’re working on.

Bill me later,

Marty

P.S.

I’d like to give a huge thank you to Jane Rosenfeld, for her phenomenal feedback on the last few posts. If you’ve made it this far, trust me when I say that she’s saved you from reading a whole lot more.

A good thing happened. Actually. Seriously. Something that could affect millions of people across New York State in a real way. On October 16, New York’s highest court (the Court of Appeals) upheld a law that moves most local elections from odd-numbered years (when turnout is very low) to even-numbered years (when turnout is much higher). The result: more representative local government.

This post explains:

1. What the law does

2. Why it matters for turnout and representation

3. Why it was challenged

4. Why the court upheld it

5. What happens next

What the Law Does

In 2023, the State Legislature passed (and the Governor signed) a law that shifts most county and town elections from odd-numbered years to even-numbered years. This means they will now appear on the same ballot as higher-turnout elections.

This covers offices like:

• County Executive

• County Legislature

• Town Supervisor

• Town Board

Some elections cannot be moved unless the State Constitution is amended, so they remain in odd years:

• City offices (like NYC Mayor and City Council)

• District Attorney

• Sherriff

• County Clerk

• Certain Judge positions (Family Court, County Court, Surrogate’s Court)

Village elections and other small categories of local government positions were also excluded.

What About Term Lengths?

To line-up timing, there will be a one-time adjustment to term lengths. Instead of shortening anyone’s current term, the next term will be one year shorter so that future elections for that office will permanently fall on even years. So, an office that normally has a two-year term would have a one-time election for a one-year term in 2025, and go back to a two-year term in 2026.

Why the Law Matters

New York has some of the lowest voter turnout in the country. About 60% of New Yorkers voted in the most recent Presidential election, and only 43% voted in the most recent midterm election. In the most recent odd-year elections (2023), New York voter turnout was a measly 18%.

This means that a small and unrepresentative group of voters ends up choosing the people who run counties and towns and control budgets and services. These voters tend to be older, whiter, wealthier, and more politically plugged-in, which means local officials can become more responsive to them than to everyone else.

By shifting to even years, far more people vote and local government will better reflect who actually lives in these communities and what the funding and legislative priorities of the local governments should be.

What the Courts Said

Some local officials opposed the change because low-turnout elections benefitted them politically. Several County Executives sued to block the law.

A lower court initially sided with them, but the State appealed, and higher courts reversed the ruling.

The challengers made three main arguments, and the Court rejected each one.

What happens next

2025 and 2027 will be the last odd-year elections for most county and town offices.

Starting in 2026, these elections will finally show up on the same ballot as major elections - when most New Yorkers are already voting, giving far more people a say in who runs their local government. We wil lsee what happens in 2026, but always remember that good things can still happen. They may require a lot of work and frustration, but positive change is ALWAYS possible.

Bill Me Later,

Marty

P.S.

I want to shout out some good pieces on this issue from local news outlets:

State Court of Appeals Upholds Even Year Election Law

Even Year Local Elections are coming…for some

New York’s top court upholds law moving local elections to even years

Many NY local elections must shift to even years after final ruling in 2-year court fight

New York’s highest court says state’s new even-year election law is constitutional

Last time we discussed the basic structure, makeup, and responsibilities of New York’s Legislature. Like Congress, the legislature’s main function is to write, analyze, debate, and pass bills that, with the governor’s signature or with a sufficient majority to override a veto, become laws. Unlike Congress, the legislature passes hundreds of bills every year, and most that pass the legislature wind up becoming law, so it is worth understanding this process in order to advocate for change in the State.

What is a bill?

A bill can be written from any idea which alters currently codified text of New York Law. It can have massive implications, like the New York Health Act, or can focus on a more specific local issue, like allowing a local hotel tax to continue for an additional year. Bills can also create new state agencies, programs or appropriate money for either the State itself or a local government to do something. All bills begin as ideas, but this is just the beginning of the journey into law.

Bill Drafting and Introduction

All official bills in Albany are created by an entity called the Bill Drafting Commission, a nonpartisan agency that works for both the Senate and Assembly. When legislators have an idea for a bill, they or their staff work with the Bill Drafting Commission staff to produce a bill draft to accomplish their goal. The legislator and staff are responsible for the substance of the bill, but the Bill Drafting Commission will assist with technical details, like advising on which specific part of existing law needs to be tweaked and how to word bills to accomplish their specific goals. When a bill is introduced, the sponsoring legislator also needs to pair the bill with a “Sponsor’s Memo”, which explains what the goal of the legislation is and why the legislature is introducing the bill. Sponsors memos can become key documents in litigation concerning the Legislature’s intent later on, so it is important for sponsors to be as specific as possible in these documents about what they are seeking to accomplish.

Once the bill draft and Sponsor’s Memo are complete, the bill will get a number so that in can be introduced in its own house and an identical print can be introduced in the other house. Bills introduced in the Assembly will begin with “A” before their number and bills introduced in the Senate will begin with “S” before theirs. The legislator who introduced the bill is that bill’s prime sponsor, but other members of the legislature may join as co-sponsors to signal their support for the bill at any time. Sponsors are also free to amend their bills at any point before final passage. These amendments will often arise through negotiations or conversations with stakeholders or other legislators, or feedback at a committee meeting. When this happens, the bill will keep the same number but will receive an “A” at the end (i.e. S123 becomes S123A) to indicate the amendment. Each time a bill is formally amended this letter will go up to a “B-print”, followed by a “C-print” and so on until the bill is passed.

Committee Process

Once a bill is introduced, it is referred to one of the standing committees discussed in my previous post. The first section of a bill usually determines its committee of introduction, so when a bill touches multiple areas of law, this is an important consideration for its sponsor. Additionally, bills may go through multiple committees if they impact multiple areas of policy or law for instance, in 2024, the New York Privacy Act, a comprehensive data privacy bill, went through the Senate’s Consumer Protection Committee AND the Internet and Technology Committee because it touched on areas of importance to both of these committees. This bill also went through the Finance Committee due to its significance before it went to the floor for a Senate-wide vote.

The committees meet as frequently as once per week during the legislative session, tough usually less, and these meetings are public. The Chair of each committee runs that committee’s meeting, reading the agenda and calling on members who wish to speak or ask questions on bills. Bills must receive a majority member votes to move out of committee, whether going to another committee or straight to the floor. Unsurprisingly, the majority party has more members on each committee so passage is very rarely an issue once a bill has been deemed “ready for committee”.

Post-Committee

After a bill is voted out of its final committee it goes to the “calendar” where it must “age” before it can be passed. All bills must age three actual days and three legislative days (days when the Assembly or Senate is in session) in its current form before the full chamber can vote on passage. Bills may still be amended once on the calendar, but this resets the three-day clock since the bill is no longer identical to what passed through the committee(s) before. There are certain procedural ways to bypass the legislative day requirement, but unless there is a “message of necessity” from the Governor regarding a particular bill (and these are incredibly rare), three real days are typically needed to pass a bill.

Floor Time

Once the required “aging” of the bill occurs, it is ready for the floor. While many bills pass each house unanimously, and most pass without any debate whatsoever, this is the opposition’s final chance to stop them from passing each chamber. One way to do this is by introducing “hostile amendments” (hostile because they are not coming from the bill’s sponsors/author) in a last-ditch attempt to alter the language of the bill, though these almost always fail as the Majority is able to reject these amendments through a voice vote. Opponents of the bill may also choose to debate the bill on the floor. These debates take the form of questions and answer, where opponents will ask often antagonistic questions to the bill’s sponsor (or another legislator if the sponsor is absent). In the Senate, there is a two-hour debate limit on any individual bill, but the Assembly has no limit, so their debates on controversial bills can take much longer. Once the debate is finished, a final vote is taken on the bill, and legislators are allowed to take floor time to explain their votes if they’d like. If the bill receives a majority vote, the bill is passed, and it is sent to the other house where it is considered “aged” regardless of where the bill is in the other house’s process. Of course, the bill has to pass BOTH houses of the Legislature (with identical text) for the bill to become law, but passage is both houses is not even a guarantee of enactment!

Post-Passage

Whichever house passes the bill first gets to “control” the bill and decide when the bill is sent to the Governor’s office for signature, veto, or a chapter amendment. Informally, the houses usually wait until the Governor “requests” these bills before sending them over, but there is no obligation to do so. Once a bill is sent over, the Governor typically has 10 days to sign or veto the bill. If the Governor vetoes the bill, a 2/3 majority in each house of the Legislature is needed to override this and turn enact the bill into law anyway. If the Governor takes no action, then the bill is deemed signed so that the Governor cannot ignore the bill entirely. Often with more significant bills however, the Governor will request “chapter amendments” and negotiate changes with the legislature before signing the bill. Some of these changes may be minor and technical, but they can also be substantive and greatly expand or reduce the scope of any individual bill. If the Legislature agrees to the chapter amendments, the initial bill is signed as is and those amendments will be included in a separate bill to be passed and signed as early as possible the next year to minimize disruptions to the law. This new bill will be given its own number and Sponsor’s Memo explaining why the changes were made.

Final Thoughts

The journey from bill to law can be a long one, often taking multiple years as coalitions are formed, amendments considered, and negotiations held, but this process is an important one for anyone who seeks to make change on the state level to understand. As always, if there is any part of this you’d want me to go deeper on please let me know!

Bill Me Later,

Marty

I’m back!

Now that we know why state governments matter, let’s talk about New York’s. We’ll start with the Legislature. New York, like every state besides Nebraska, has a 2 house legislature. You can think of this as similar to the structure of Congress, except for the fact that due to the “one person one vote” requirements set by the supreme Court starting in the 1960s, each house sends representatives from constituencies of almost equal population. Just like in D.C., the upper house is called the Senate, but unlike in D.C. the “House” in New York, and many other states, is called the Assembly. As in Congress, each house has party conferences and these internally elect their own leaders to represent them and set legislative agendas. Here is some basic information about each house.

The Assembly

The Assembly has 150 members, with districts made up of about 132,467 people. There are 103 Democrats and 47 Republicans, with Democrats holding a majority in the chamber since 1975. As in Congress, the Assembly elects a Speaker who, in consultation with his conference’s leadership team appoints committee chairs, sets the legislative agenda, and determines which bills come up for a vote. The Assembly Speaker is Carl Heastie, whose district includes various neighborhoods in the Northeast Bronx. The Majority Leader is Crystal Peoples-Stokes, whose district includes parts of Buffalo. The Assembly has 39 standing committees and dozens of subcommittees and taskforces all chaired by members of the Majority (Democratic) Conference. The most significant of these committees is Ways and Means, where almost all bills with a fiscal impact must pass through before they can go to the floor and which conducts State Budget hearings. It is chaired by J. Gary Pretlow whose district includes Mount Vernon and parts of Yonkers in Westchester County.

The Senate

Has 63 members, with districts made up of about 315,397 people. There are 41 Democrats and 22 Republicans, with Democrats controlling the chamber since 2019. There were several years between 2013 and 2019 when a majority of Senators were Democrats, but due to a small group known as the “independent democratic conference” (IDC) entering into a power sharing agreement with Republicans, the Democratic Conference did not control the chamber during this time. The emergence and collapse of the IDC is a fascinating story, and one that I’d be happy to write about if folks are interested in learning more about this insane chapter of New York’s political history!

The Senate also elects a Majority Leader, and while the Lieutenant Governor is technically President of the Senate and sometimes presides over it in a ceremonial capacity, the Majority Leader, in consultation with their Conference and leadership team, is the person who makes decisions regarding committee chairs and the legislative agenda, thus functioning as the “Speaker” of this chamber. The Majority Leader is Andrea Stewart-Cousins, whose district includes Greenburgh, Mount Pleasant, Yonkers, and Tarrytown in Westchester County (disclosure: I have worked for Leader Stewart-Cousins in multiple capacities over the years). The Deputy Majority Leader and Floor Leader is Michael Gianaris, whose district includes Maspeth, Sunnyside, and parts of Astoria and Ridgewood in Queens. The Senate has 41 standing committees and several subcommittees and taskforces all chaired by members of the Majority (Democratic) Conference. The most important standing committee in the Senate is likely the Finance Committee, which has a similar function to the Assembly’s Ways & Means Committee. It is chaired by Liz Krueger, whose districts includes the Upper East Side, Roosevelt Island, and parts of midtown.

Differences (and Similarities)

Both the Assembly and the Senate are overwhelmingly controlled by Democrats, both consider seniority in assigning committee chairs, both pass legislation, both have a “central staff” to help members understand and edit legislation, and both have to pass the State’s Budget each year, but there are some key ways in which they are structured differently. Most importantly, just like in D.C. the State Senate has a role in confirming (or rejecting) gubernatorial nominations for both state-level cabinet officers, judges, and state agency board members (like those on the MTA). These nominees typically need approval from both their committee of jurisdiction and the Finance committee (except for Judges who go through the Judiciary committee). The Assembly plays no formal role in this process so Senators are more powerful in this regard.

In the Senate under Leader Stewart-Cousins, each Majority Conference Senators chairs at least one committee (this could change), whereas in the Assembly only a little over one third of Majority members do so. This is significant, because it means that in the Senate each individual Senator in the Majority can make a larger impact in an individual policy area, even if it their first year serving in the Senate, and can do it more quickly than Assemblymembers who often must wait a few terms to chair a committee.

Finally, it is worth noting that the Senate tends to pass more bills each year than the Assembly. It has done so every year since 2007 regardless of which party(ies) controlled the chamber that year. This is likely because a Senate majority contains fewer members than an Assembly Majority, and leadership tends to only but bills on the floor that will pass with a large number of their members voting “yes”. Both chambers use a process called “conference” to discuss current events and potential bills so that leaders can hear from their members about where they stand on both, and it is simply easier to hear what all of your members think on the large number of issues legislatures deal with when there are fewer of them!

Knowing this is just the beginning though, and next time we will use this information to discuss how to get the chambers to pass a law.

Bill Me Later,

Marty

P.S. If there is some part of this or you want to know more about let me know! Let’s go down some rabbit holes together.

Bill me later,

Marty