The army that had once made half of Western Europe nervous was, by this point, a fraction of what it had been even six months earlier, worn down first by the disaster at Grandson, then by the second disaster at Morat, and now by a siege that refused to end. Charles stayed anyway. Retreat, at this stage of the campaign, had come to feel like something closer to defeat than an actual battle would, and after two humiliations already that year, he seems to have decided that a third retreat without a fight was a worse outcome than almost anything the coming battle could produce. He had recaptured Nancy once before, briefly, and lost it again the moment his attention turned toward Switzerland. Taking it back a second time had become, by January, less a strategic necessity than a matter of proving something to an army, and a continent, that had watched him lose twice already.

René spent the closing weeks of December doing what his allies had done before him at Grandson and Morat, gathering an army large enough to make the outcome close to certain before a single shot was fired. He drew somewhere between ten and twelve thousand men from Lorraine and the towns of the Lower Union along the Rhine, and to that he added a Swiss contingent numbering close to ten thousand more, veterans of the two earlier battles that had already broken Charles’s forces twice that year. Against this, contemporary estimates place Charles’s own numbers as low as two to four thousand men. His household troops were understrength. His Ordonnance companies, the standing core of the Burgundian army, were in many cases fielding barely half their paper strength. Whatever the precise figures were, and medieval battlefield counts are rarely exact, the disparity was not subtle. Charles was about to fight an army several times the size of his own, and by early January, he knew it.

René began his advance on the morning of the fifth, moving his forces cautiously through a landscape buried in snow. Word finally reached Charles that the relief army was close, and he responded the way he generally did when given a choice between withdrawal and a fight, by choosing ground and preparing to hold it. He drew up the bulk of his remaining army south of Nancy, on a wooded slope rising behind a stream, at the narrowest point of the valley through which any approaching force would have to pass. It was, on paper, a defensible position. The terrain narrowed the possible avenues of attack, and Charles arranged his infantry and dismounted gendarmes into a dense square, with roughly thirty field guns positioned at the top of the slope and mounted knights and coutilliers screening both flanks. He had drawn up battle plans with his usual precision, even with only hours of notice. What he had not managed to arrange, again, was adequate scouting, the same failure that had cost him so badly at Morat six months before.

The morning itself gave him almost nothing to work with. Snow was falling hard enough to cut visibility to a matter of yards, muffling the movement of thousands of men into something closer to silence than the noise an army that size should have made. For the Burgundian soldiers standing in formation on that slope, the wait itself must have been its own kind of ordeal, hours spent staring into a white curtain that could have been hiding empty fields or an entire army, with no way to tell which until it was already close enough to matter. Somewhere beyond that curtain, René’s scouts were doing precisely what Charles’ had failed to do at Morat, reading the ground with enough care to see what it would actually cost to attack it head on.

René’s scouts, better used than Charles’s own, saw immediately what a direct assault on the Burgundian position would cost, and the allied commanders split their forces accordingly. A Swiss vanguard of roughly seven thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry was ordered to press the Burgundian right, a visible threat meant to hold Charles’s attention and his reserves in place. The real blow was assigned to the center, eight thousand infantry and thirteen hundred cavalry, sent on a difficult, circling march up and around the Burgundian left flank, through thickly wooded, snow covered slopes entirely out of sight of the waiting Burgundian line. A smaller rearguard of eight hundred handgunners was held back as reserve. The march took roughly two hours. Somewhere in that stretch of frozen forest, in near silence, under a sky still thick with snow, the battle was effectively already decided before either side had exchanged a single blow.

When the flanking column finally emerged from the treeline, it came out slightly behind and to the side of the Burgundian position, exactly where Charles’s line was least prepared to receive it. The Swiss horns sounded three times across the snow, a signal that must have carried strangely in that muffled winter air, and the pike blocks came down the slope at a run. Charles’s artillery tried to answer. The guns had been sited to sweep the valley in front of the position, not to bear on a force now emerging from higher ground behind it, and the crews could not depress their barrels far enough to do any real damage. A single volley went out. It killed two men. Whatever the Burgundian gun line might have contributed to the battle ended there, in the first minute, before it had meaningfully begun.

On the Burgundian right, the cavalry did what cavalry was supposed to do and held. The Swiss vanguard pressing that flank found itself checked, at least for a while, by mounted knights fighting on ground that still favored them. It was the only part of the field where the day’s fighting went anything like Charles’s plan. Everywhere else, the math of the ambush took over. The bulk of the Swiss infantry from the flanking column drove into the Burgundian infantry square from an angle it had never been arranged to defend, and a formation that size, however disciplined, cannot simply pivot to face a threat it did not know was coming. The Burgundian left began to buckle almost immediately. The guns that had failed to fire were overrun. Charles, watching his line come apart from the middle outward, pulled troops from what remained of his left flank and pushed them toward the collapsing center, the only maneuver still available to him and one that thinned an already failing position even further.

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For over a year now I’ve written essays on medieval history for an audience that’s grown past 12,000 readers. I want to talk today about what comes next, because the next phase of this project needs a paid tier to exist at all.

I want to start producing armor and weapons reviews and overviews, real hands-on breakdowns of how medieval arms and armor actually worked. How a poleaxe was actually wielded in a judicial duel. What it felt like to move in a full harness of plate. Why certain sword geometries existed for certain jobs and not others. This is the kind of content that takes history off the page, and it’s the natural next step for a project built on making the medieval world feel real instead of abstract.

That kind of content has a real production cost. Reproduction armor and weapons aren’t cheap, and getting access to quality pieces, through purchase, loan, or travel to armorers and collections, takes a dedicated budget. A paid subscription is how that budget gets built. It’s not a donation. It’s the price of admission to content that wouldn’t exist otherwise, and it funds the next stage of what this newsletter does.

Here’s the trade. Paid subscribers get full, uncut versions of every essay, including the future series of essays I wish to write, no partial reads. You’ll get first access to the armor and weapons content the moment it exists, and a direct say in what gets covered first. If a specific weapon or piece of armor has always interested you, say so in the comments. That list becomes the production schedule.

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Thank you for reading, as always.

Henry’s education in war began when he was young. At just thirteen years old, he was entrusted by his father, Henry IV of England, with authority in Wales during the rebellion of Owain Glyndŵr. From 1400 to 1404, Henry commanded part of the English troops and conducted the duties of High Sheriff of Cornwall. The appointment was as much a necessity as confidence. Glyndŵr’s forces burned towns, ambushed supply lines, and vanished. For the young Henry, this was no ceremonial title but instead was a trial by fire that demanded adaptability.

By March 1405, the prince had been campaigning in Wales for years. That month, a Welsh raiding force under Rhys Gethin struck the town of Grosmont, where they began burning and looting before ultimately withdrawing. Henry, operating from Hereford, responded with a targeted force under experienced commanders. The raiders were caught and defeated, their retreat turned into a rout. The only account we possess of that battle comes from this letter. In the aftermath, Henry wrote to his father to report the engagement. The letter survives, and in it we see the voice of a young commander. He reported the numbers, noting that some said eight hundred Welsh had fallen, others a thousand. He credited the victory to God and to his men, not to himself.

Yet Wales was only the beginning. In 1403, he faced open rebellion at the Battle of Shrewsbury against forces led by Henry Percy (Hotspur), a famous knight in his own right. The Percys were supporters once of Henry IV and were by his side to aid him to the throne against Richard II. They even fought on his behalf against the Welsh. However after these wars had ended, lands that were once promised to the Percys were instead given to a rival of theirs as well as previously promised money never being paid. The Percys revolted against the king. Sir Henry Percy raised a force and marched southwards, recruiting men from Cheshire along the way. King Henry IV, learning of this only 9 days before the battle took place, marched to Shrewsbury. The king and his forces, joined by his son Prince Henry, captured Shrewsbury before the Percys could arrive. They both arrived on the 20th of July and set up camp.

The next day, on the 21st, both armies began the bloody Battle of Shrewsbury. Both armies numbered around 14,000 and were bolstered by the skilled and equally feared English longbowman. Two hours before dusk, the king gave his signal for his forces to engage which began with a barrage of arrows. According to chroniclers, Percy’s archers of Cheshire were superior in skill and said “the King’s men fell like leaves in autumn and every one arrow struck a mortal man”.

Shrewsbury was a brutal, direct confrontation, a clash between armies on open ground. It was here that Henry came closest to death. During the fighting, he was struck in the face by an arrow that lodged six inches deep in his skull. The wound was severe, potentially fatal, and for a time it appeared that the young prince might not survive. Yet he refused to leave the field, continuing to fight and command despite his injury until the battle was won.

Henry was lucky to be a royal and be able to have access to the best possible care one could have but also incredibly lucky he was not killed outright as the arrow narrowly missed his brainstem. John Bradmore, the royal surgeon, treated the prince for several days. He even needed to craft a special tool just for this occasion. He used honey as an antiseptic to make sure the wound did not become infected.

This moment is critical, not simply for its drama, but for what it represents. Shrewsbury was not a victory won at distance. Henry fought, bled, and endured alongside his men. The injury marked him physically, but it also reinforced a model of kingship grounded in shared hardship and visible courage. In a world where authority depended as much on perception as on legitimacy, such experiences mattered.

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John of Luxembourg, King of Bohemia, was fifty years old and had been going blind for a decade. At Crécy that afternoon, the French army he rode with was collapsing under the English longbow. His son, the young Charles, later to be Emperor Charles IV and the founder of modern Prague, tried to pull him from the field. John refused. "May it never come to pass," he is recorded as saying, "that a King of Bohemia runs from a fight." He ordered his knights to lead him forward, sightless, so he could strike one blow before he died. They knotted their reins to his. The English found their bodies the next morning, still bound together in the mud.

It is, across seven centuries, the most romantic death in the Hundred Years' War and the most characteristic thing the House of Luxembourg ever did.

Over the next 129 years, the same reach-too-far pattern would produce a second king who made Prague the center of Europe, a third who burned a heretic and lit a fifteen-year war, and a granddaughter whose single marriage handed the Habsburgs five hundred years of supremacy.

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On May 22nd 1455, 22 miles north of London the bloody Wars of the Roses would begin with the first Battle of St. Albans. Medieval urban warfare ensued leading to the capture of the King of England himself.

King Henry VI and the Rise of Richard of York

King Henry VI of the House of Lancaster was plagued by bouts of insanity and mental illness. He was incapacitated by his ailments in 1454 which led to the recall of his closest adult relative, Richard of York. Richard was the Lieutenant of Ireland since 1447 and was essentially in exile from the country of England. His rival, Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, had been given the Lieutenancy of France but failed in his efforts, prompting York’s sudden return to London with great support from both the nobility and public.

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Born around 1370, Michel was the son of Richard de Laillier, a Parisian bourgeois ennobled in 1376. Raised among the capital’s merchant elite, he established himself as a money changer, like his brother Jacques de Laillier, and appears as early as 1396 in the records of the Burgundian court. An influential parishioner of Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois, he managed the family chapels there and dedicated his entire life to Paris, unaware that he would play a decisive role, almost a destiny, in the capital during the Hundred Years’ War.

His career truly took off under the wing of John the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, whose cupbearer he became in 1407. A high-ranking state official, he attained the prestigious position of Treasurer of France in 1409. His close relationship with the Duke was such that he received the prince at his private table in 1412, a rare honor for an officer. He was, however, viewed unfavorably by his brother, Jacques de Laillier, a fervent supporter of the Armagnac cause in the civil war between the Armagnacs and the Burgundians, but they nevertheless remained in contact despite this conflicting fraternity.

Everything changed abruptly in 1413 with the Cabochian Revolt in Paris, a faction of Parisian butchers supported by the Burgundians who sought to enforce the Cabochian ordinance by force against King Charles VI of France. Michel de Laillier was among those accused of embezzlement by extremists within his own camp. He was dismissed from his post and imprisoned as a “traitor,” threatened with death.

His brother, Jacques de Laillier, upon learning of his brother’s fate, joined the popular uprising to free the princes and drive out the Cabochiens by force. This uprising saved Michel’s life, and the two brothers were reunited, both relieved.

Paradoxically, this disgrace under the radical Burgundians granted him a “political virginity” in the eyes of the Armagnacs who recaptured Paris. Michel regained his offices and even gained the trust of Queen Isabeau of Bavaria, who entrusted him with her personal finances and even received a greyhound as a royal gift.

Everything changed in 1415. The Battle of Agincourt reignited the civil war in France, and he had to be even more vigilant. With the deaths and captures of key figures in the Armagnac faction, Paris was now under the control of the new Constable, Count Bernard VII of Armagnac. Paris descended into tyranny; houses were searched, citizens were deprived of weapons, and any mention of the Duke of Burgundy was forbidden under penalty of arrest or even execution.

Yet, Michel de Laillier maintained secret contact with the Burgundian agents of John the Fearless in the capital, discreetly lending them money, remaining solely within the realm of espionage. A very risky request was made of him in April 1416 that went beyond mere espionage: a conspiracy among the bourgeois to open the gates to a Burgundian army. He reflected for a long time, overwhelmed by the situation and the heavy responsibility placed upon him.
Out of fear, he decided to denounce the conspiracy led by Canon Nicolas d’Orgemont. All the conspirators were executed at Les Halles.

During the conquest of Normandy in 1417, he helplessly witnessed the exile of tens of thousands of people, some seeking refuge in Paris, where they suffered under the tyranny of the Armagnacs.

On the night of May 28, 1418, the Burgundians returned and took Paris by surprise. His brother, Jacques de Laillier, chose exile to continue the monetary struggle alongside the future Charles VII, but Michel chose to remain despite the chaotic situation. After falling out of favor, he became indispensable to the Burgundians thanks to his technical expertise in finance and currency.

Under the Franco-English “Dual Monarchy,” his vigilance was at its highest, and repression was harsh, as established by the Bedford regent, John of Lancaster. In June 1422, a baker, an armorer, and his wife were drowned in the Seine for conspiring to deliver the city to the Dauphin, but he still refused to leave Paris despite the warning signs. In December 1422, a new manhunt was launched in Paris, targeting bourgeois for the same conspiracy by Charles VII. Many were arrested, but others were never found, including Michel de Laillier. Upon learning this news from a friend, he had time to pack his belongings and begin his escape.
The English searched his office and his house, and all of Paris was on high alert. Searches and patrols were everywhere for a month. A woman was burned alive, several bourgeois were beheaded, and the others fled. Having fled Paris, Michel went to Lille anonymously, and thanks to the diplomatic protection of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, he was reinstated and resumed his position as Master of Accounts in Paris in April 1423 after receiving a letter of pardon.

His brother, Jacques de Laillier, having placed all his hope in the French cause of Charles VII, resigned himself in 1424 and returned to Paris to join his brother Michel. The growing disappointment following the defeat at Cravant in 1423 and the loss of Le Crotoy had convinced him otherwise. The defeat at Verneuil shattered all his hopes, and the two brothers were reunited after six years. Michel then intervened to have his brother’s confiscated townhouse on Rue de Béthisy returned to him. All trace of his brother Jacques disappeared afterward.

For years, Michel de Laillier continued his work in finance in occupied Paris. In 1429, he was part of a consortium of merchants who loaned money to the Duke of Bedford and his wife to finance the siege of Orléans.
In 1432, concerned about public health, he even won a lawsuit against a mint whose chimney emitted “foul smoke, very dangerous to the human body.”

The decisive turning point came in 1435 at the Congress of Arras, when the Burgundians reconciled with Charles VII, ending the French civil war. With Paris besieged by the French army, united with the Burgundians, in March 1436, the English demanded a new oath of allegiance; Michel swore it verbally but not in his heart. After years of hesitation, it was time for him to turn the tide of the war and finally do what his brother always wanted to fight for.

Following this peace treaty, King Charles VII issued an ultimatum to the entire population of Paris: letters guaranteeing all Parisians that none of them would be punished for their conduct between 1418 and 1436 and that it was time to expel the English.

The French army, led by Constable Richemont, the Bastard of Orléans, and the Burgundian knight Jean Villiers de L’Isle-Adam, entered the active phase and secured the suburbs around the capital. However, their army was currently too small, numbering only 500 men, and their only hope of entering the capital lay in a popular uprising against the English.

An agent of Constable Richemont made contact with Parisian burghers, including Michel de Laillier. They all declared themselves ready to mount an insurrection and open the gates of the capital, but first they needed to ensure they could bring in as many French troops as possible.

In just a few days, the French army, drawn from all the surrounding regions, had assembled over 5,000 men, and April 13, 1436, was the day of reckoning. Richemont and his lieutenants, along with the entire French army, marched on the Saint-Jacques gate, but he learned that the plot had been uncovered. Indeed, Michel de Laillier and the burghers had all their keys confiscated by the pro-English chancellor. This changed nothing, and Richemont wanted to test the Parisians.

At 7:00 a.m., the Burgundian knight Jean de Villiers was sent to meet the defenders in front of the gate, where he confronted them, promising them no harm. Michel de Laillier and his fellow burghers had already gathered a group of armed citizens in the street leading to the Saint-Jacques gate. The defenders, seized by panic, allowed Michel de Laillier and the citizens to climb onto the rampart and lowered a ladder. Jean de Villiers planted the banner of the Kingdom of France on the rampart and, already shouting in advance “City won !”, encouraged by the Parisians.

The gate was breached, and Constable Richemont and thousands of French soldiers, archers, squires, and knights entered Paris, greeted by the bourgeois, Michel de Laillier, and a group of Parisians. At the same moment, the signal was given for the French troops to arrive by way of the Seine, led by the knight Ambroise de Loré.

The news that Michel de Laillier and some bourgeois had opened the gates to the French army spread rapidly through the streets without bloodshed. Hundreds of Parisians poured out of their homes, brandishing the white cross of Saint Michael or the cross of Saint Andrew of Burgundy, and shouting, “Peace! Long live the King and the Duke of Burgundy!” Michel de Laillier had become the leader of the Parisian uprising, and all the Parisians rallied to him, arms in hand and cheering.

To rally the Parisian people, Michel de Laillier and his group began shouting “Saint Denis!” and it was no longer hundreds of Parisians who joined his insurrection, but thousands. Between 3,000 and 4,000 Parisians participated in Michel de Laillier’s uprising.

The battle for Paris had begun in the streets. All English lieutenants and French collaborators were put on alert, and the entire English garrison deployed. Violent clashes erupted in the streets, but it was already too late; all of Paris was against them.

The French army drove the English towards the Bastille, and the Parisian people confronted them to the north at the Saint-Denis gate. Heavy chains, traditionally piled at street corners, were stretched across streets and alleyways a first since 1418. Men, women, and children hurled stones and logs from their windows at the English to prevent them from escaping through the Saint-Denis gate, pursued by the insurrection led by Michel de Laillier.

After 18 years of occupation, Paris was retaken. The remaining English army, who had taken refuge in the Bastille with their lieutenant, including Joan of Arc’s judge, Pierre Cauchon, were allowed to leave the capital.

At the end of the day, Constable Richemont rode down Rue Saint-Jacques to the Seine. On the small bridge, he spotted a man holding a banner bearing the heraldic emblem of the Kingdom of France: Michel de Laillier. The two greeted each other.

The very next day, Michel de Laillier was appointed Provost of the Merchants of Paris, acclaimed by the Parisians. He died in 1440 of illness in Saint-Omer.

He left behind the image of a man who, far from being a mere “weather vane,” knew how to survive in a capital under various military occupations, making difficult decisions in the face of horror. From spy to leader of an insurrection, he had never anticipated this action, remaining simply a financial officer but looks like the destiny prepared something for him. If Paris was retaken by the French, it was thanks to his help and his bourgeois friends who had roused the population to revolt.

Today, no commemorative plaque in Paris mentions Michel de Laillier’s act of courage. He is only represented there as a statue at the Paris City Hall.

There’s a reason for this: he left without anyone knowing where he was. Even the historian Anne Curry considers his fate and what became of him mysterious, suggesting that the entire chronology would need to be revised to find his name, which can easily be confused with other lords from other places bearing the same name.

Olivier II de Mauny, lord of Lignières and Lesnen, came from an old Breton family and was a chamberlain of Charles VI, in the service of the French crown from the late 1380s.

In October 1415, he was in Normandy under the command of the Duke of Alençon in an effort to halt the English. He was captain of the castle of Falaise at its surrender in February 1418 and remained a prisoner of Henry V until he satisfactorily repaired the castle walls, a task completed by June 28. By virtue of the surrender, he would have sworn not to take up arms again against the English. But he broke his word, with fateful consequences.

He led a large French and Breton force back to the Cotentin peninsula near Avranches, where a now-forgotten battle took place, and he was taken prisoner.

The king decided not to punish him with death, despite his breaking his oath, but rather to send him to England where he would learn English.

And since then, he has never been seen again, except for his last recorded living record in July 1422, when he and a group of prisoners from Meaux crossed the Channel and were taken captive.

His tomb is said to be at White Friars in London.

Here is the account of the battle from what Anny Curry found in a chronicle:

The resistance army of Olivier de Mauny came to meet the English in december 1421 near a castle which is called the Bishop’s Park, where they assembled, some against others, and performed several fine feats of arms on both sides.

In the end, the said French and Bretons, who could no longer endure the actions of the said English, turned in flight and were routed, and some of the said French died, namely, the said Lord of Coynon and the said Lord of Chastelgiron and several others, and the Lord of La Houssaye and the said Lord Olivier de Mauny were taken prisoner, and several others.

Soon after this, news was brought to the said victorious prince of the capture of the said Lord Olivier, whereupon the said victorious prince summoned and brought to him the said Lord Olivier, and said to him these words in substance: “Father-in-law, you swore and promised us that you would never wage war against us and our subjects; you are an old knight and should keep your promise. And because you have not done so, but have already falsified and broken it, we do not wish your death, but give you life and you will go on a journey to England to learn to speak English.”

After this he was taken to the said kingdom of England where he has since passed from life to death.

Charles the Good is dead. Murdered at the altar by a group of knights. In the wake of this act of sacrilege the traitorous knights are hunted down and executed. But one alleged suspect still remains. What comes next would be a brutal trial by combat between two knights.

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Origins of the Order and the Meaning of Lazarus

The Order of Saint Lazarus was founded in 1119 in Jerusalem at a leper hospital. The order would be named after the patron saint of lepers, Saint Lazarus. In the Bible, Lazarus would become a friend of Jesus, who had wept learning of Lazarus’ death, and traveled four days to raise him from the dead. His name means “God has helped.”

A second man named Lazarus is mentioned in the Bible, Jesus describes a man that was a beggar who was covered in sores, generally believed to be leprosy. The name Lazarus is given by Jesus to symbolize one whom God helps and others ignore. Because of events like this, leprosy would begin to be seen as a holy disease, where Jesus had healed one suffering from the disease, charity to lepers was respected by many and was believed to grant those favor with God.

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The Claim to France and the Decision for War

In 1415 following failed negotiations with the French, King Henry V of England would claim the title of King of France through his grandfather Edward III and invade France. Henry told the French he would renounce his claim if the French paid 1.6 million crowns outstanding from John II’s ransom, who was captured during the Battle of Poitiers in 1356.

As well as King John II’s ransom fee, the English also wanted the French to concede the lands of Anjou, Brittany, Flanders, Normandy, and Touraine, as well as Aquitaine and for Henry to marry Catherine, daughter of Charles VI. Negotiations would fall through after the English claimed the French mocked their claims and personally insulted King Henry himself. Henry asked the Great Council to sanction a war with France and they would agree.

The English Invasion and the Siege of Harfleur

King Henry’s army would land in northern France on August 13th 1415. The King would depart from Southampton. It is claimed Henry’s fleet numbered around 1,500 but was most likely far smaller. King Henry’s campaign would begin at the port of Harfleur with an army approximately 12,000 men and 20,000 horses strong. The siege would take longer than expected, many English men died from disease but Harfleur would surrender on the 22nd of September.

The March Toward Calais and French Maneuvering

The English army would depart on October 8th to the English stronghold of Calais 9,000 men strong. Henry would maneuver to deliberately provoke the Dauphin of France, Louis. Louis was the son of King Charles VI of France and failed to respond to King Henry’s challenge of combat.

The French would (for a short time) block King Henry’s northern advance by blocking the River Somme. Henry would move south and cross the Somme south of Péronne, at Béthencourt and Voyennes. Hesitant to force a battle, the French called a semonce des nobles, summoning local nobles to join the French forces.

The Armies Confront One Another

On October 24th, the armies would face each other for combat, the French would decline and opt to wait for more men to arrive. The English at this point were low on food and supplies, many men were suffering from dysentery, marched 260 miles over two and a half weeks. The English were tired, the French outnumbered them and their men-at-arms had superior equipment.

Deployment and Preparations for Battle

On October 25th the armies would gather and prepare for combat. The French led by Constable of France Charles d’Albret had an army of about 14,000 to 15,000. King Henry V’s forces numbered about 6,000 to 8,000 men. Outnumbering the English about 2 to 1.

Henry would deploy his forces into three groups. The center force would be led by King Henry himself. On his right would be Edward Duke of York, the left led by Baron Thomas Camoys and the nearly 7,000 longbowmen on the would be led by Sir Thomas Erpingham.

The English men-at-arms wearing plate and mail armor stood shoulder to shoulder four men deep. On the flanks of the army the English and Welsh archers would be ordered by King Henry to carve wooden stakes, one for each man.

King Henry gave a speech to his men before battle. Telling them about great victories the English had won over France. The Burgundian sources claim King Henry told his men that the French had boasted that they would cut off two fingers from the right hand of every archer.

The Battle of Agincourt

The French forces of about 10,000 men-at-arms and 4,000-5,000 footmen included archers and crossbowmen. They deployed two main groups, a frontline vanguard and the main battle formation behind them. They possessed an elite cavalry force in front to break the enemy formation. The French possessed a secondary cavalry force to attack the English rear with it’s servants and baggage train.

The days leading up to the battle were characterized by heavy rains, turning the recently plowed fields of Agincourt into a muddy, soggy mess. This would be how the English claimed victory.

The battle would begin and the disorganized French cavalry charged towards the English archers. Unable to charge through the stakes and unable to outflank the archers, the attempt was a disaster and many of the cavalry’s horses were cut down by arrows causing disarray.

The heavy plate armor of the French knights and men-at-arms allowed them to advance while under fire. The French monk of Saint Denis described it as a “terrifying hail of arrow shot”.

The French soldiers that survived the slog through the mud and corpses reached the English line, when the archers ran out of arrows they grabbed their mallets, swords and hatchets and entered the fray. By the time they had engaged in a melee with the main English force, the French knights and men-at-arms could “scarcely lift their weapons”.

Exhausted from the arrow impacts, slogging in the mud, the heat and difficulty breathing, the French could barely fight anymore. It is suggested that many French soldiers died by suffocating in their armor or even drowning in the muddy field. The fighting lasted three hours. King Henry fought hand to hand according to English contemporary accounts.

Victory and Aftermath

The battle would end with an incredible, odds defying victory from the English. Charles d’Albret, Constable of France would be killed in battle, along with John I, Duke of Alençon. About 600 English soldiers would die and about 6,000 French would die, many of which were nobles.

Henry would order the execution of all French prisoners aside from a select few who would be ransomed. The English did not have the food or water to sustain so many prisoners and feared a counter attack from the French. A catastrophic defeat for France. It strengthened Henry V’s position in France and led to the signing of the Treaty of Troyes in 1420, which recognized Henry as the French heir.

Birth and Origins

In the Vulgate Cycle, Lancelot’s backstory begins with his birth in the borderland between Gaul and Brittany. His original name is Galahad (later shared by his son), and he is the son of King Ban of Bénoïc and Queen Élaine. When Ban’s kingdom falls to his enemy, King Claudas, Ban and Élaine flee their stronghold of Trebes (likely Trèves Castle) with their infant son. Ban dies from his wounds and the Lady of the Lake, takes Lancelot away to raise him in her magical realm. In an alternate Italian version, Lancelot’s mother is named Gostanza, who dies shortly after delivering him prematurely.

Appearance and Inner Turmoil

The Vulgate Lancelot describes Lancelot as “the most handsome lad in the land,” with particular attention to his delicate, almost feminine features and ideal musculature. However, this version also introduces a key aspect of his character: his mental instability. While Chrétien de Troyes’ portrayal of Lancelot does not explicitly mention this, the Vulgate Cycle notes his tendency toward berserk-like combat frenzy, adding a layer of complexity to his relentless devotion, as seen in his sometimes reckless pursuit of dangerous quests, especially when rescuing Queen Guinevere.

The White Knight

Lancelot is introduced as the nameless White Knight (Chevalier Blanc), dressed in silver armor and riding a white horse. He arrives in King Arthur’s kingdom of Logres, claiming to be 18 years old, though it is later revealed he is only 15. He is accompanied by the Lady of the Lake, who requests Arthur to knight him. The Lady of the Lake equips Lancelot with a magic ring that dispels enchantments, a gift similar to one given by his foster mother in Chrétien’s version. The Vulgate Cycle later retcons this, stating Guinevere gave him the ring. The Lady also provides him with other enchanted items like a lance, a sword, a tent, and a mirror, continuing to assist him throughout the story.

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Early Life and Rise

Gilles de Rais was born in 1405 in Anjou. Gilles was raised by his grandfather Jean de Craon. Gilles was admitted to the French court at a young age after earning the favor of the Duke of Brittany.

Both of Gilles parents died around 1415, his father Guy de Laval was slain in a hunting accident. His mother died of unknown causes around the same time.

Military Career and Joan of Arc

Beginning in 1427 to the year 1435, Gilles was a commander and fought in the Hundred Years War. Gilles formed an alliance with his cousin named Georges de La Trémoille in 1429 who was the Grand Chamberlain of France and that same year Gilles was appointed as Marshal of France.

During his service in the Hundred Years War, Gilles de Rais would fight alongside Joan of Arc on numerous successful military campaigns. Gilles would take part in the battles of Patay, Jargeau and most notably the Siege of Orleans. Fighting valiantly.

The heraldry of Gilles de Rais is still on display today at the Great Cathedral of Orleans, recognizing his service to France during wartime.

Gilles de Rais was assigned by the Dauphin of France who later became King Charles VII to watch over her in battle. Upon the death of Joan of Arc in 1431 he began to slowly distance himself from his military life.

Wealth, Excess, and Withdrawal

Gilles would begin to spend more and more time at his lavish estate in western France. His estate was one of the richest in the region and he began spending his wealth in a reckless manner.

He spent much of his wealth on things such as servants, decorations for his estate, commissioning works of art and a large military retinue. He even began selling his family lands to fund this lavish lifestyle.

However the achievements in his life have been overshadowed. Gilles was not just a brave soldier but he was a cruel and merciless serial killer.

The Chapel and the Occult

In 1433 Gilles de Rais personally financed the construction of a chapel he would name the Chapel of the Holy Innocents. It had a boys choir with which the members were personally selected by Gilles himself.

Due to his finances dwindling rapidly he began to panic and even looked into the occult as a way to save his finances. He would employ numerous alchemists and sorcerers to help him with his troubles.

Disappearances and Crimes

Numerous young boys would begin to go missing in the area of Gilles de Rais castles. These disappearances were not random, they would be connected to his servants who aided Gilles in kidnapping young boys.

It was revealed during his trial that de Rais had kidnapped and murdered more than 100 children over the span of a decade. He even confessed to using them in rituals of black magic and sacrifice.

Arrest and Trial

Gilles de Rais was arrested in 1440 in September after he attempted to kidnap a priest because of a separate dispute. Had this not occurred who knows how long he would have continued his rampage.

Gilles de Rais stood trial in ecclesiastical and civil court for multiple offenses including heresy, sodomy and murder of over 100 children. Gilles was found guilty and sentenced to death by simultaneous hanging and burning.

He confessed to his crimes under threat of torture.

Execution and Burial

Gilles was executed in Nantes on October 26, 1440. He made a request to the court to be buried at the church of the monastery of Notre-Dame des Carmes in Nantes. His request was granted.

At 9 in the morning Gilles de Rais and his two accomplices stood on the platform of execution. Gilles requested to die first and it was granted, at 11 in the morning Gilles was hanged and the brush beneath him was set ablaze, his body cut down after being consumed by fire.

Gilles de Rais was excommunicated by the church but due to his cooperation he was readmitted and allowed to make confession with a priest. His body was not burned to ashes and was given a Christian burial.

Birth and Early Life

Baldwin was born in mid-1161 to Amalric, Count of Jaffa and Ascalon, and Agnes of Courtenay. His godfather, King Baldwin III, joked that the Kingdom of Jerusalem was his christening gift. At the time, the kingdom was ruled by French-speaking Catholic Franks, despite being surrounded by Muslim states.

When Baldwin III died childless in 1163, Amalric became king, but only after annulling his marriage to Agnes due to noble opposition. Despite the annulment, Baldwin and his sister Sibylla were declared legitimate.

After the annulment, Agnes remarried and had little involvement in Baldwin’s life. His sister Sibylla was raised separately in a convent by a relative. Amalric ensured Baldwin received a strong education. He was sent to live with William of Tyre, a highly educated cleric.

William noticed Baldwin’s lack of pain in one arm, which raised suspicions of leprosy, though physicians hesitated to confirm it due to the stigma of the time. Baldwin learned to ride a horse using only his knees, showing great determination despite his physical limitations.

Succession and Coronation

King Amalric, concerned about Baldwin’s health, tried to arrange a marriage between Sibylla and a French noble, Stephen of Sancerre, who might serve as regent. But the match fell through. In June 1174, Amalric fell ill with dysentery and died in July, leaving the young Baldwin as his underage heir.

After the death of his father, the High Court of Jerusalem met to decide the royal succession. Although Baldwin had not yet been formally diagnosed with leprosy, the court was likely aware of the suspicions surrounding his health. Baldwin was Amalric’s only surviving son, and there was no clear alternative heir.

After three days of deliberation, the High Court selected Baldwin IV as king. Baldwin was crowned promptly by the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, Amalric of Nesle, in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. This took place on July 15th 1174, the 75th anniversary of the First Crusade’s capture of Jerusalem.

Regency and the Reality of Disease

As Baldwin IV was 13 and underage at the time of his accession and 15 being the age of majority in Jerusalem a regent was needed to govern in his name. At first this role was taken by the seneschal, Miles of Plancy. However, Count Raymond III of Tripoli soon arrived and, as the king’s closest male relative, successfully claimed the regency.

Miles was later murdered during an attempt to consolidate power, and the office of seneschal remained vacant for two years. During that time, Baldwin, though young and ill, had to preside over High Court sessions whenever Raymond was away.

During the regency, it became clear that Baldwin had contracted leprosy. The exact source of infection is unclear, but medical historian Piers Mitchell suggests it likely came from someone close to him in his early years, such as a nurse or family member with no obvious symptoms. The disease progressed quickly during puberty, especially affecting Baldwin’s limbs and face, which made others uncomfortable in his presence.

Rule in His Own Right

On July 15 1176, the second anniversary of his coronation, Baldwin IV came of age, marking the end of Count Raymond III of Tripoli’s regency. At his mother Agnes’s suggestion, Baldwin appointed his capable and trusted maternal uncle, Joscelin of Courtenay, as seneschal and arranged for him to marry the wealthy heiress Agnes of Milly.

This change in leadership brought a more aggressive stance against Saladin, who had expanded his influence during Raymond’s regency by conquering surrounding Muslim territories. Baldwin chose not to ratify Raymond’s peace treaty with Saladin, agreeing with Joscelin that the sultan’s growing power had to be confronted.

While only having the use of one arm, Baldwin refused to let his physical deterioration stop him from fighting in battles alongside his men. Baldwin’s most notable accomplishment would be the victory at the Battle of Montgisard in 1177.

The Battle of Montgisard

The Battle of Montgisard would take place on November 25th, 1177. The battle would be between The Kingdom of Jerusalem, joined by the famous Knights Templar, against the Ayyubids, led by Saladin.

Numbers for the forces are estimated to be 3,000 to 4,500 men for Baldwin’s army. Consisting of about 375 knights and 80 Templars and 2,500 to 4,000 archers and infantry. It’s suggested that Saladin’s army was around a staggering 21,000 to 26,000 but this is greatly exaggerated.

Baldwin IV decided on launching a surprise attack on Saladin’s army while they were marching towards Jerusalem. He led his forces out of the city and managed to catch Saladin’s troops off guard in the hills near Montgisard.

Despite being outnumbered, Baldwin IV’s forces fought with courage and ferocity. The knights charged into the enemy and delivered a devastating blow to Saladin’s army. This caused chaos and disarray the Ayyubid troops.

The Battle of Montgisard would be a tremendous victory for the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Despite facing overwhelming odds, Baldwin IV and his forces successfully repelled Saladin’s invasion, inflicting heavy casualties on the Ayyubid army. Saladin himself only barely escaped on a camel.

The Battle of Montgisard was a turning point in the conflict with Saladin and helped secure Jerusalem for the Crusaders for the time being. Earning Baldwin tremendous respect from his men and very likely his enemies as well.

Decline and Political Struggles

Aware of his deteriorating health due to leprosy, Baldwin IV began to make plans for the future leadership of Jerusalem. He arranged the marriage of his sister Sibylla to Guy of Lusignan, thereby ensuring a continuation of the royal line.

By 1183, Baldwin IV’s leprosy had progressed to the point that he could no longer walk without support or use his hands. His condition caused his corneas to dry out due to an inability to blink, rendering him blind. Despite his rapidly deteriorating health, Baldwin had to respond when Saladin began a southward campaign after securing Aleppo.

While at Nazareth, Baldwin developed a severe fever. Attended by his mother and the newly appointed Latin Patriarch, Heraclius, he summoned the High Court to his bedside. There, he formally appointed his brother-in-law, Guy of Lusignan, as regent and heir-presumptive, reserving for himself only the royal title and direct control of Jerusalem. Baldwin made Guy swear never to claim the crown while he still lived or to alienate royal lands.

The Siege of Kerak

Tensions peaked during the wedding of Baldwin’s half-sister Isabella and Humphrey IV of Toron at Kerak Castle in late 1183. Seizing the opportunity, Saladin besieged the castle, hoping to capture high ranking Christian nobility.

Baldwin, now a retired and infirm king, had convened a council in Jerusalem to monitor the state of the realm. When news of the siege broke, it was clear that Guy could not be entrusted with the kingdom’s defense. Baldwin dismissed him from the regency and reassumed power.

To rally morale during the siege of Kerak, Baldwin ordered a beacon to be lit atop the Tower of David, possibly the first in a chain of warning signals. Though blind and immobile, Baldwin traveled with his army in a litter carried between two horses. His presence was vital to unify the fractious nobility, and even Guy, though recently disgraced, brought his forces to the campaign.

Saladin, informed of Baldwin’s approach and anxious about leaving Egypt vulnerable, lifted the siege on 4 December. Baldwin then entered Kerak in triumph.

Death and Legacy

On March 16th, 1185. King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem would die. At the age of 24 the young king would perish from infection as a result of his leprosy. King Baldwin IV was buried in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem.

In 1244, Khwarizmian Turks sacked Jerusalem, looting the church and reportedly desecrating the royal tombs by scattering or burning the remains. However, some accounts suggest that these tombs were later restored, as Christian pilgrims in the late 13th century reported seeing them intact.

Early Life and Family

Maximilian was born in the city of Wiener Neustadt in Austria on March 22nd 1459. His father was Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III and his mother was Eleanor of Portugal. Maximilian’s mother died young at the age of 32 in 1467. Her early death pushed Maximilian towards the life of a warrior first and foremost rather than a politician under the guidance of his father.

As Maximilian grew older, his father became horrified by his son’s intense passion and overzealousness in chivalric contests as well as his indulgence in wine, feasts, and women. Maximilian’s skills as well as his charming looks made him the center of attention everywhere!

Marriage and Early Campaigns

The biggest rival of Emperor Frederick III was Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy on the western border of the Holy Roman Empire. To better their ties, Frederick III arranged a marriage between his son Maximilian and Charles’ daughter Mary of Burgundy after the Siege of Neuss.

In 1476 at the age of 17 Maximilian allegedly led a campaign against Hungary in the name of his father and he gained his first actual battlefield experience. One year later in 1477 on August 19th Maximilian would officially marry Mary of Burgundy.

Mary inherited large swaths of Burgundian lands in France and the Low Countries (modern day Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg) after the death of her father at the Battle of Nancy in January of 1477. Under Salic law King Louis XI of France claimed the Duchy of Burgundy through military force. Maximilian immediately undertook his own campaign to defend the lands of his wife against the French without support of the Empire and an empty treasury.

From 1478 to 1479 Maximilian led his campaign and conquered Le Quesnoy, Conde, and Antoing and defeated the French at the Battle of Guinegate on August 7th 1479. A fun fact is the Burgundian pikemen from this battle were the precursors to the legendary Landsknechte mercenaries!

After Mary died tragically in a riding accident in 1482 on the 27th of March at the age of 25, Maximilian aimed to secure the inheritance to his and Mary’s son Philip, known as Philip the Handsome. Maximilian became popular after the victory at Guinegate but he hurt himself as a leader by trying to centralize his authority and going against traditional rights. Belgian historian Eugène Duchesne commented how despite his later successes as an imperial ruler, Maximilian was never able to compensate for his mistakes as a regent during this time.

In 1482 on December 23rd, some Netherlander provinces signed the Treaty of Arras with Louis XI forcing Maximilian to give up Franche-Comté and Artois to the crown. In the 10-year period of 1482–1492 they rebelled twice against Maximilian, the Flemish even captured Maximilian and his son but Maximilian was released after the intervention of his father Frederick III.

King of the Romans

On February 16th 1486 in Frankfurt, Maximilian was elected King of the Romans at his father’s initiative and on April 9th 1486 he was crowned in Aachen. Much of the territories of Austria as well as Vienna were ruled by Matthias Corvinus of Hungary after the Austrian-Hungarian War from 1477 to 1488. Corvinus offered to return the lands if they would accept him as the heir to Frederick. Before anything was able to be settled, Matthias Corvinus died in 1490, causing a civil war in Hungary between John Corvinus and Vladislaus of Bohemia.

Recapture of Austria & Hungarian Campaigns

Maximilian used this to his advantage and began to reconquer cities and fortresses in Austria that were lost to the Hungarians. In August of 1490 Maximilian entered Vienna without siege and was injured attacking the guarded citadel by 400 Hungarian troops who eventually surrendered.

After gaining money from southern German towns as well as the city of Innsbruck, Maximilian raised cavalry and Landsknechte and began a campaign into Hungary itself. Jakob Székely, one of Matthias Corvinus’ supporters, handed over Styrian castles to Maximilian. In seven weeks he conquered a quarter of Hungary and declared himself King of Hungary. However, he was forced to return after his mercenaries requested double pay by the frost and he could not afford it.

He returned to Austria and reconquered lower and inner Austria for his father. Maximilian left the Low Countries and appointed Albert of Saxony to them. By 1492 the rebellions in the land were suppressed completely and Maximilian established a ducal monarchy. The suppression of the rebellions established unity and provinces stopped behaving like separate entities.

Military Reforms and Mercenaries

Maximilian explored various types of military models during his time in the Low Countries such as urban militia and vassalic troops followed by French style companies and lastly Germanic mercenaries. The skill of these mercenaries on top of the financial support of cities like Antwerp, Amsterdam, Mechelen, and Brussels were decisive for the success of the Burgundian-Habsburg regime.

It is said Maximilian had a class-based mentality that displayed favor towards the aristocratic nobles of society. Maximilian also promoted those who showed great loyalty to him. He punished few with death after the rebellions and confiscated land instead. Some of the most important people who had been promoted to a new high elite class loyal to the Habsburgs were John III and Frederik of Egmont, Engelbrecht II of Nassau, Henry of Witthem, and the brothers of Glymes–Bergen.

Leadership of the Empire

In 1493, Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III died, making Maximilian the de-facto leader of the Holy Roman Empire. He made the decision to transfer this power to his son Philip. Philip preferred keeping peace and developing the economy while Maximilian fought against Charles of Egmond over Guelders. Philip during his reign even let French troops supporting the Guelder resistance against him pass through his lands.

Hungary and the Italian Swiss Wars

The Habsburgs would inherit the throne of Hungary after Vladislaus, the new King of Hungary’s male line went extinct. The Austrians also received 100,000 gold florins as war reparations. After the Treaty of Senlis resolved disputes with France and the Empire, King Louis XII of France turned towards Italy and made a claim for the Duchy of Milan, conquering it in 1499–1500 and exiled Sforza regent Lodovico il Moro.

Maximilian joined the Holy League to counter France, however Maximilian’s endeavors in Italy were not successful and gained him very little which draws criticism, rightfully so. Maximilian attacked Venice in 1508. Maximilian’s forces were blocked by the Venetian force led by Niccolò di Pitigliano and the French force led by Alessandro Trivulzio. The Empire also lost a decisive battle against the Swiss at the Battle of Dornach on July 22, 1499, forcing Maximilian to agree to a peace treaty which gave the Swiss Confederacy independence from the Holy Roman Empire.

Philip died in 1506. Maximilian’s entourage kept this news hidden from him for ten days and when the Estates sent a delegation to him to offer him the regency Maximilian avoided them for months.

Reforms

1. Imperial Diet – Maximilian sought to expand the authority of the Diet, the representative assembly of the Holy Roman Empire and sought to centralize power this way.

2. Landfrieden – Maximilian attempted establishing peace and order in the Empire through Landfrieden “public peace” decrees, aiming to eliminate private warfare and maintain stability in the Imperial territories.

3. Judicial – Maximilian implemented judicial reforms aimed at improving the administration of justice. These reforms included the establishment of imperial courts and the codification of laws to ensure uniformity and fairness in legal proceedings.

4. Reichsregiment – Maximilian attempted to establish a permanent council called the Reichsregiment that would have centralized authority over the Empire. Although this reform was not fully successful during his time as Emperor, it laid the foundation for later attempts to centralize power.

Final Years and Death

Maximilian by the accounts of some historians was severely depressed by the end of his life and from 1514 onwards he travelled with his coffin. In 1518 on December 15th Maximilian suffered from a stroke leaving him bedridden. He died on January 12th 1519. Emperor Maximilian was succeeded by his grandson Charles V. Maximilian was buried in the Castle Chapel at Wiener Neustadt.

Thus, the last knight of Europe was dead. Standing as a figure whose reign marked a transformative period of Europe. Accomplishing much in his life with his legacy enduring to this day, as it will forever.

Origins and Rise of the Templar Order

The Knights Templar were founded in the year 1119 at the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. The Templars upon creation were a small order with only a handful of knights but as time went on it would grow drastically and become a force across Europe.

After the conclusion of the First Crusade, the roads to Jerusalem became dangerous for travelling merchants and pilgrims alike due to Muslim raiding parties. The Church would seek to remedy this with the founding of an order of dedicated warriors to protect those pilgrims. As the years would go by, the Templars would continue to get more and more generous donations from Europe’s wealthy and elite. They would expand from defense of pilgrims to a wider and broadened defense of the Holy Land as a whole.

The Templar Banking Empire

The Templars played a pivotal part in the creation of the banking system we know today. The Temple Church of London allowed Christian pilgrims to deposit funds in England and withdraw them in Jerusalem! They also offered loans and storing items! The Templars eventually gained vast wealth, becoming incredibly wealthy and even having very important people in debt to them. One of these people was King Philip IV of France.

King Philip IV: The Iron King

Philip was known for his good looks but behind such an appearance was a colder and harsher king. His personality was rigid, autocratic, imposing, and inflexible. These qualities would gain him the title le Roi de fer or “The Iron King.” Philip was heavily in debt to the Knights Templar. Facing mounting financial pressure and dwindling support for the military orders, Philip sought to free himself from his debts by moving against the Templars, using accusations of heresy as a pretext.

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In 1143, Pope Celestine II directed the Knights Hospitaller to oversee a German hospital in Jerusalem, which served German-speaking pilgrims and crusaders unfamiliar with the local language and Latin.

Following Jerusalem’s loss in 1187, merchants from Lübeck and Bremen established a field hospital at the Siege of Acre in 1190. This hospital became the foundation for the future Teutonic Order, which Pope Celestine III formally recognized in 1192. In 1198, Pope Innocent III recognized the Teutonic Order as a religious military order, granting them the right to bear arms and engage in defensive warfare.

Based in Acre, the Teutonic Knights expanded their influence and fortified Montfort Castle in 1220 to control the route between Jerusalem and the coast, though they returned to Acre after losing the fortress in 1271. The Order accumulated land donations throughout the Holy Roman Empire, particularly in modern-day Germany and Italy, as well as in Frankokratia and Jerusalem.

Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II raised Grand Master Hermann von Salza to the status of Reichsfürst, or “Prince of the Empire,” allowing the Order to engage with other European nobility on equal terms. The Teutonic Knights served as Frederick’s guard during his 1225 coronation as King of Jerusalem. Despite these privileges, however, the Teutonic Knights did not achieve the same prominence in Outremer as the more established Templars and Hospitallers.

The Hungarian Chapter

In 1211, King Andrew II of Hungary welcomed the Teutonic Knights, granting them the Burzenland district in Transylvania with rights to self-governance, exemption from taxes, and authority to administer justice. Andrew’s close ties with Hermann von Salza, through proposed marital alliances, likely influenced his decision.

Under the leadership of Theoderich, the Order began defending Hungary’s southeastern border from Cuman incursions, building several wooden and mud forts and encouraging German settlers to join the local Transylvanian Saxons. With no established Cuman settlements, the Order expanded rapidly, constructing five castles by 1220.

This swift territorial gain alarmed Hungarian nobles and clergy, who grew envious and suspicious, especially after the Order refused to cede any land to them or the local bishop. Upon returning from the Fifth Crusade, Andrew found dissatisfaction brewing in his kingdom due to the cost of the campaign, and nobles demanded he withdraw privileges granted to the Order. Though Andrew considered revising their agreement, he left the concessions in place.

In 1224, sensing potential trouble from Andrew’s heir, Prince Béla, the Teutonic Knights requested direct oversight from Pope Honorius III instead of the Hungarian crown. This move angered Andrew, who, in 1225, expelled the Order from Hungary. He permitted the German settlers to stay, merging them into the Transylvanian Saxon population. Without the Teutonic Knights’ fortified defenses, however, Hungary struggled to protect its borders, leaving the region vulnerable once more to Cuman raids.

Prussia and the Baltic Expansion

In 1226, Duke Konrad I of Masovia sought the Teutonic Knights’ help to protect his borders and subdue the pagan Old Prussians. He granted them use of Chełmno Land as a base for their campaign, and Grand Master Hermann von Salza saw this as a valuable training ground for future crusades in the Holy Land. Emperor Frederick II reinforced their mission with the Golden Bull of Rimini, granting the Knights imperial privilege to conquer and rule Prussia with papal endorsement. By 1235, the Teutonic Knights absorbed the smaller Order of Dobrzyń, bolstering their forces in Prussia.

The conquest of Prussia was brutal, spanning over fifty years of fierce fighting. Prussian resistance was intense, with accounts of captured Teutonic knights being roasted alive by their captors. Those Prussian nobles who submitted had their privileges acknowledged in the Treaty of Christburg, but after successive uprisings, much of the native nobility either fled or was resettled, and the rights of free Prussians were diminished.

The Order gradually assimilated those who accepted baptism, and Christianity slowly took root. However, the ruling knights found it easier to control semi-pagan populations and discouraged Prussian religious practices from blending with the new faith. As rulers of Prussia, the Teutonic Knights established a sovereign monastic state under papal and imperial charters, similar to the Knights Hospitallers in Rhodes and Malta.

Due to the heavy toll of the conquest and outbreaks of plague, the Order encouraged immigration from the Holy Roman Empire and Masovia, resulting in a population of German, Flemish, Dutch, and Polish settlers who gradually assimilated the surviving Prussian natives. The Order founded numerous towns and cities on former Prussian lands, establishing strongholds and castles (Ordensburgen) to control the region and resist future uprisings. Major towns like Toruń, Chełmno, Olsztyn, Elbląg, Klaipėda, and Königsberg became centers of Teutonic power, from which the Knights also launched campaigns against neighboring Lithuania and Poland throughout the 14th and 15th centuries.

Conflicts and Expansion in the Baltic

After their crushing defeat at the Battle of Saule, the Livonian Brothers of the Sword were incorporated into the Teutonic Order in 1237, forming what became the Livonian Order. Despite their expanded strength, the Order’s ambitions to invade Rus’ faltered with a major defeat in 1242 at the Battle of the Ice against Prince Alexander Nevsky of Novgorod. Shifting focus, the Order concentrated on subjugating the Curonian and Semigallian tribes in the Baltic region.

In 1260, the Order suffered another major setback at the Battle of Durbe, where they were defeated by Samogitian forces, sparking widespread rebellions throughout Prussia and Livonia. However, their victory at the Siege of Königsberg from 1262 to 1265 marked a turning point, leading to the eventual subjugation of the Curonians in 1267 and the Semigallians by 1290. Later, the Order quelled a significant Estonian rebellion from 1343 to 1345 and expanded their territory by purchasing the Duchy of Estonia from Denmark in 1346.

The Teutonic Knights redirected their campaigns towards pagan Lithuania after being displaced from the Kingdom of Jerusalem and later from Hungary. The persistent raids from pagan Lithuanian forces into the Holy Roman Empire and the fall of Acre in 1291 left the Order without a central area of operation. Initially, the Knights based themselves in Venice, hoping to reclaim the Holy Land. However, they soon moved their headquarters to Marienburg to focus on the Baltic region.

With “Lithuania Propria” remaining non-Christian until the late 14th century, the conflict was prolonged, attracting knights from Western Europe, including England and France, who joined seasonal campaigns, or reyse, against Lithuania. The Order achieved significant victories in the Battle of Strėva in 1348 and the Battle of Rudau in 1370, dealing heavy blows to Lithuanian forces.

Pomerelia and Later Conflicts

In the early 14th century, a dispute over the Duchy of Pomerelia drew the Teutonic Order into conflict. Following King Wenceslaus of Poland’s death in 1306, the Margraves of Brandenburg and Duke Władysław I of Poland both claimed the duchy. Some Pomeranian nobles sided with Brandenburg, who occupied Pomerelia except for Gdańsk in 1308. Unable to defend Gdańsk, Władysław sought help from the Teutonic Knights, led by Grand Master Siegfried von Feuchtwangen.

Through the Treaty of Soldin in 1309, the Order purchased Brandenburg’s claims to Gdańsk, Świecie, and Tczew for 10,000 marks. Securing Pomerelia allowed the Teutonic Knights to link their Prussian holdings with the Holy Roman Empire, cutting off Poland’s Baltic access and turning Poland from a former ally into a foe.

In 1410, at the Battle of Grunwald, a combined Polish–Lithuanian army led by Władysław II Jagiełło and Vytautas defeated the Teutonic Knights, killing Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen and most of the Order’s leaders. Despite this, the Polish-Lithuanian army failed to capture Marienburg, the Order’s capital, and in the First Peace of Thorn (1411), the Knights retained their territories, though their reputation suffered significantly.

Decline and Dissolution

The military role of the Teutonic Knights came to an end with the Peace of Pressburg in 1805. Article XII of the treaty required that the Order’s German territories be converted into a hereditary domain, with the Austrian Emperor responsible for placing a Habsburg prince in charge.

In the Treaty of Schönbrunn (1809), Napoleon ordered the disbanding of the Order’s remaining territory, which was then distributed among his German allies by 1810. Thus, the Teutonic Knights lost their last vestiges of territorial sovereignty, effectively ending their military and political influence.