The putrid green mess that is Northern Ireland’s largest single fresh water source could easily have been foretold when 2014’s Executive Ministers waved through Going for Growth without any serious assessment of its devastating consequences.

Peter Robinson DUP; Martin McGuinness SF; Arlene Foster DUP; Michelle O’Neill SF; Carál Ní Chuilín SF; John O’Dowd SF; Stephen Farry Alliance; Mark H Durkan SDLP; Simon Hamilton DUP; Edwin Poots DUP; David Ford Alliance; Danny Kennedy UUP and Nelson McCausland DUP made up the committee in June that year, it seems.

In my opinion, they were blinded by the billions the agri-food industry plan promised because money is everything in this wee place.

Yet nowhere in our planning, policy or legislative system was the economic value of something so precious it provides at least 40% of Northern Ireland, ever considered or even defined in monetary terms. If we were buying that water in plastic bottles instead of getting it from the tap, I’ve no doubt that would also be worth billions.

Going for Growth, however, was all about intensifying the farming of chickens, pigs, cattle and more - with clean water an afterthought.

Some companies have made a killing - pardon the pun - while those that relied on Lough Neagh not becoming a toxic green mess lost out massively. But when you have major players in one ear and a handful of fishers and recreational outfits in the other - I’ve no doubt who MLAs are listening to and that’s the problem.

But how did we get here?

A major new report by Friends of the Earth NI has tracked and traced the rise of pig and poultry farming across Northern Ireland since Going for Growth was passed. It also uncovered major gaps in water quality testing by authorities and outlined the rise in blue-green algae feeding pollution from 2012 to 2025.

This is one of the biggest pieces of research into some of the issues impacting Lough Neagh in years - and as you are again maddened by pictures of swans and other birds stuck in the vile green sludge gathering at Toome and other locations around Lough Neagh I would urge you to give it a read. You might find some of the answers you are looking for there - and where to aim your calls for action.

While Going for Growth was ultimately an industry led plan - it needed political support to become reality.

Solutions to the damage it caused are also political - but like the swans that needed to be rescued by firefighters when algae entrapped them, I fear our politicians are also stuck.

Stuck in a tangled web of ineptitude, wrought by the very systems designed to bring peace and give everyone a voice around the table after decades of war.

While some parties are forward thinking and solution orientated - others cling on to business as usual in the hopes the votes it garnered in the past keep coming, no matter how few those views actually represent.

By doing just that, they are failing the majority of their own people to protect agri-food interests often decided in boardrooms overseas.

It’s time they all stepped up and did what needs to be done to put the interests of their own people before the wants of corporations - and actually govern what happens in our territory.

As long as agri-food businesses are allowed to keep spreading huge amounts of animal shit on land that drains into Lough Neagh this crisis will never be solved.

And much like climate and airy-fairy notions of carbon capture as a solution - it will cost taxpayers a hell of a lot more if authorities keep rolling out grants for techno-fixes that simply tinker around the edges instead of tackling the giant boke-coloured elephant in the room by actually legislating to vastly reduce slurry spreading.

Our tiny parcel of land simply can’t cope with the amount of waste being created by up to 140 millions chickens and 1.9 million pigs slaughtered here each year - largely for the GB market.

Our waters and our health depend upon our politicians either - reducing those numbers, cutting what can be spread on land and real oversight of what happens to the animal waste first sent to energy plants or for mushroom compost.

Waiting for the industry to clean up its own mess is reneging on their responsibility to act for the people of Northern Ireland and actually govern.

Take a look at my stories for DeSmog and The Detail on the research that mapped the scale of pig and poultry farming in NI since Going for Growth.

Belfast High Court has ruled that a Stormont Department has been breaching the law for 20 years over its failure to test diesel cars for potentially dangerous emissions.

It follows a judicial review by Friends of the Earth NI, Public Interest Litigation Support Project (PILS) and the NI Commissioner for Children and Young People (NICCY).

In reaching his verdict this Friday, July 3, Mr Justice Colton also highlighted a lack of political will and urgency in dealing with the crucial issue.

The Department for Infrastructure accepted that it had breached obligations outlined in the Motor Vehicle Testing Regulations 2003 when the case was heard early in 2024.

It is understood that Mr Justice Colton asked why it comes down to civic society to supervise the lawfulness of government departments when delivering his judgement, and said it was right for the Children’s Commissioner intervene to put pressure on DfI.

Friends of the Earth NI director, James Orr, told how Mr Justice Colton added that they were “right to take the case” as it was a “clear breach of the law”.

A High Court document outlines how DfI has a plan to tackle the issue with the judge warning that failure to deliver will ‘inevitably lead to further proceedings’.

It states: “The court recognises that the department does have a plan in place.

“The serious harm that diesel emissions cause to the environment and human health demand that those plans are implemented with urgency and expedition.”

The Sinn Fein, DUP, UUP and Alliance ministers who sit on Northern Ireland’s Executive committee are largely failing to meet their own legally binding targets to deliver a healthier environment for people and nature, a damning new report finds.

NI’s first Environmental Improvement Plan (EIP) was published in September 2024 following a 14 month delay, and this morning, the Office for Environmental Protection’s published its first progress report on that plan.

It found the Executive is making ‘limited progress’ on 15 out of 18 themes as a result of delayed strategies and policies; actions that don’t address major issues like nutrient pollution and failing wastewater systems; insufficient resources even when needs have been identified; absent action and delivery plans; and weak coordination.

OEP chief scientist, Professor Robbie McDonald, said: “While some progress has been made, substantial challenges remain and the prospects of achieving EIP ambitions, targets and outcomes are largely off track.

“Urgent and sustained action is now much needed. The central test is now delivery. Ambition, planning and commitment matter, but they must be matched by implementation, prioritisation and sustained resourcing if outcomes are to improve.”

What’s in the EIP report?

The 2024 Executive report outlined six ‘Strategic Environmental Outcomes’ for NI and set actions to be taken, alongside targets. They are:

• Excellent air, water and land quality

• Sustainable production and consumption on land and at sea

• Healthy and accessible environment and landscapes everyone can connect with and enjoy

• Zero waste and highly developed circular economy

• Thriving, resilient and connected nature and wildlife

• Net zero greenhouse gas emissions and improved climate resilience and adaptability

What did the OEP’s progress report say?

The UK environment watchdog looked at efforts in the 12 months up to September 2025. It found the Executive is largely failing to progress 27 of its 38 individual targets while it made ‘good progress’ on two, ‘mixed progress’ towards six and three could not be assessed because of the lack of data.

Interim OEP chair, Julie Hill MBE, outlined how this analysis and transparent reporting will “help ensure the interests of future generations are properly safeguarded” and said Lough Neagh has “become a beacon for the urgency of environmental recovery and the need for coordinated, sustained action”.

The report went on to say: “Northern Ireland faces persistent environmental problems, the origins of which extend back over decades.”

Despite this, the OEP says key policies and strategies like the Ammonia Strategy, Nutrients Action Programme, Marine Plan, Green Growth Strategy and Circular Economy Plan “are delayed” while the EIP doesn’t address major pressures like reducing excess nutrient pollution and upgrading failing sewage infrastructure.

It also says “resources are not given as needed, even when the actions required to achieve EIP targets and outcomes are well understood”. As a result, the watchdog reports that this affects policy development, like the Clean Air and Landscape strategies as well as preventing implementation of actions to restore peatlands, improve the condition of protected sites and roll out the Farming with Nature package.

“There is an absence of credible action or delivery plans,” the report adds.

Examples include action plans to “reduce pressures impacting nature, such as invasive species, and plans for delivering the renewable energy target”.

The only real areas of improvement appear to be in air pollution, bathing waters (but not sewage discharge during storms) and recovering costs from producers for packaging waste.

Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs Minister, Andrew Muir, has repeatedly outlined how parties on the Executive, such as the DUP, have been blocking plans to improve the environment like the Nitrates Action Programme designed to reduce agricultural pollution in NI’s floundering waterways.

He said following the launch of the OEP’s EIP progress report that: “Support for the difficult decisions are essential to ensure we leave the environment in a better state for future generations. We have no more time to lose.

“There is no future without nature, clean air and water.

“The recommendations reinforce the urgent need for sustained, evidence-led, fully funded action for years to come from across government.”

The OEP has identified three priority areas for action in NI. They are:

Effectively addressing nutrient pollution from agriculture and wastewater as it won’t be possible to achieve EIP targets for air, water and land quality; nature’s recovery and climate change without effectively addressing nutrient pollution.

Speeding up action on the circular economy to address the underlying drivers of environmental degradation and nature loss as they are strongly linked to levels of resource use and how the economy/ society uses materials and energy. Transition to a circular economy will also support development of a more resilient/ inclusive economy.

Ensuring nature’s recovery as a focus on restoration and nature positive use of land and sea is essential for delivering EIP targets. The OEP says the draft Nature Recovery Strategy, Peatland Strategy, Farming with Nature scheme and prioritisation of nature‐based solutions as required in the Climate Change Act provide the basis for action.

Executive actions for future success were outlined as:

• Implement the EIP effectively

• Address delays

• Strengthen governance and partnership working

• Improve resourcing

• Build monitoring, evaluation and learning

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The Irish Government is to provide around three quarters of the funding for a new ‘Shared Island’ investment in Lough Neagh water quality improvements.

Taoiseach Michael Martin announced that his department will deliver €33m (£28.5m) of the total €56.7m (£49.3m) announced, with a further €10.5m (£9.05m) coming from the Irish Government department for Housing, local Government and Heritage, which also manages water in the Republic.

DAERA will provide £11.5m (€13.2m) of the total funding for the new five-year cooperative Lough Neagh Catchment Area Water Quality programme.

Lough Neagh’s catchment includes Co Armagh, large parts of counties Antrim, Down, Derry and Tyrone and also reaches into Irish counties, Monaghan and Cavan.

Northern Ireland’s Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs Minister, Andrew Muir and Ireland’s Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage, James Browne, welcomed Taoiseach, Michael Martin’s, announcement on Tuesday, June 23.

It is understood the new 2027-2031 programme will include ecological and on-farm measures to improve water quality - with the sharing of knowledge and best practice between both jurisdictions.

Minister Muir said: “I am thrilled to announce this ambitious project in partnership with the Irish Government - an important intervention as we strive to turn the tide on water quality in Lough Neagh.

“The ecological and biodiversity crisis in Lough Neagh is one of the most distressing and visible environmental crises that Northern Ireland has ever witnessed. Improving our water quality requires us to support all sectors, including our farming community, who I commend for taking positive steps to protect the environment by managing nutrients more efficiently.”

He went on to describe the Irish government’s offer of funding as “a joint commitment to our island’s largest freshwater lake and a substantial investment in its future” and said the new five-year initiative is “based upon the successful Sustainable Catchment Programme approach”.

Minister Muir added: “It provides specific advisory support and financial assistance to farm businesses through the development of water environment management plans and the delivery of specific on farm measures, such as water course fencing, creation of riparian margins, tree and hedge planting and livestock watering systems. This project focusses on farms in the Blackwater and other Lough Neagh catchments.”

DAERA is also funding a range of other initiatives to improve water quality on Lough Neagh. It told the Earth’s Corr a total of £23 million “has been allocated in the two financial years since The Lough Neagh Report and Action Plan was launched in July 2024” from its ‘resource’ and ‘capital’ Departmental Expenditure Limits (DEL).

Resource DEL is the budget for day-to-day, or operational spending, while Capital DEL is for specific categories things like big infrastructure projects or long-term projects.

Speaking about the new Shared Island initiate for Lough Neagh, Ireland’s Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage, James Browne, described the ‘Shared Island’ initiative to improve Lough Neagh’s water quality as “a welcome step forward… in addressing blue-green algae blooms”.

Minister Browne added: “The island of Ireland is a distinct environmental unit and really benefits from working together on cross border environmental management issues, such as the water quality issues in Lough Neagh.

“This is a fantastic opportunity for continued positive knowledge sharing and collaboration in catchment science and water quality, which provides much-needed advice and financial support for farmers so they can take steps on farms to improve water quality. This builds on Ireland’s Water Action Plan and the Farming for Water European Innovation Partnership (EIP) focussed on implementing the right measure, in the right place.”

A DAERA spokesperson said both departments will now engage further in finalising the overall approach with further information to be provided in the time ahead.

The march for Lough Neagh last Sunday was billed not as a protest against something, but as a “protest in hope for a better future” as up to 2,000 walked in tandem from Co Battery Harbour on the edge of Lough Neagh to Ardboe’s ancient High Cross.

And there was serious amount of hope on display folks of all ages and from all corners of the island of Ireland stepped to the same beat for a common goal - they want our government to do what is necessary to Save Lough Neagh from the pollution causing toxic blue-green algal blooms every summer since 2023.

Paddy Nicholl, who helped organise the march, told those gathered it was great to see people from Derry, Belfast, Dublin and beyond at the event. He added that the state of Lough Neagh “is the direct, predictable result of choices that prioritise growth and profit over our environment and our lives” to calls of “shame”.

“There is a lot of debate about whether the problem is sand dredging or NI Water dumping millions of tonnes of sewage into or lough each year, or agricultural run-off from primarily factory farms”.

“The truth is, it’s all of these things,” he added.

“The minute Stormont says we have to pay the price for what corporations and greedy politicians have done to our lough, I hope you will march with us again.”

His colleague and Save Lough Neagh founder Mary O’Hagan said: “Our drinking water is being treated with ever increasing amounts of chemicals because of the cyanobacteria blooms but ask the question of what is being used and in what quantity and you will get told that it’s a matter of national security because drinking water treatment plants are critical infrastructure.”

NI Water has repeatedly said drinking water taken from Lough Neagh is safe. The lake feeds over 40% of NI homes, including large parts of Belfast.

Drinking water aside, Mary, who once swam in the lough says a report uncovering genes resistant to a wide range of antibiotics in Lough Neagh says that put an “end to her swimming” in the water body.

She added: “I just can’t risk my health that way.”

Fisherman Declan Coney, said he was at a similar rally against lignite mining on Lough Neagh 40 years ago and that he believes “not one government in the last 40 years has done one iota” to solve the problems facing Lough Neagh.

He added: “The fishing industry is all but over - it’s a hobby.

“We have had one broken promise after another, but from today, no more. Our fathers and our grandfathers fought to put food on the table and clothes on our backs and now we are going down the same path again.

“Who is going to compensate the fishermen for loss of earnings?”

Civil rights icon Bernadette McAliskey Mrs McAliskey told the crowd she would call the Earl who owns Lough Neagh’s bed “Nick, when he hands back what was ‘nicked’ from the people centuries ago” to loud cheers.

But she also warned that “when we come to nature folks, there’s a little bit of the coloniser in all of us because… we have all in some way exploited nature and forgot to take care of her and we have all in some way, exploited this lough”.

She told those gathered she does not believe Lough Neagh is dead - but that “our problem as human beings is that the life and nature of that lough, because of the way humans have treated it, will not be able to support us living around it”.

“Let’s own up to that bit first. The reason we need to save the lough is that we die without her.”

The day rounded off with the song ‘Water is Life’, led by Mairead Duffy from Gathering Voices.

A shocking report has for the first time highlighted the “profound” ecological consequences sand extraction is having on Lough Neagh.

The work was commissioned by the Department for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs to better understand whether dredging was impacting algae blooms.

It comes just six years after former SDLP Infrastructure Minister Nichola Mallon greenlit sand extraction after decades of unlawful operations sparked a series of court actions that forced the Department for Infrastructure to act.

That planning permission relied on environmental impact assessments provided by the sand traders and the Earl of Shaftesbury - Nick Ashley-Cooper - who licenses the lake bed to which he has an historic claim. It’s understood he is paid for every tonne taken but has never revealed how much.

Lough Neagh is internationally, nationally and locally designated for its habitats and fish, invertebrate and birds. It has suffered declines of over-wintering birds and pollan, severe cyanobacteria [blue-green algae blooms] and the collapse of the eel fishery.

A new report titled Sand dredging is associated with benthic habitat alteration and chronic turbidity with profound ecological consequences likely for the UK and Ireland’s largest freshwater lake found an estimated 2 million tonnes of sand has been removed form an area of 0.5 km^2.

It also uncovered “extensive pockmarked deformation and depressions, lowering the local lakebed by 12-17m” in part of the licensed extraction zone and how sand barges can cause sediment plumes measuring up to 1.2km wide while having “plausible implications for nutrient remobilisation”.

The team, which was led by Queen’s University’s Dr Neil Reid, used “Earth observation imagery, GIS mapping, and modelling of propeller-wash scour” to quantify excavation impacts and fleet-scale operational disturbances.

Their report adds: “Satellite imagery captured dredger hopper overflow [which is the overflow of sand from barges] and extraction-associated sediment plumes extending up to 1.2 km at the surface, while offloading and shoreline runoff at landing sites generated plumes extending up to ∼2 km offshore.”

Extensive ‘propellor wash’ tracks from the barges were also noted, which the report said formed persistent corridors of particles in the water across almost half of Lough Neagh [49%].

It also outlined how their “findings indicate sand dredging is associated with sustained, lake-wide physical disturbance and sediment redistribution, with plausible implications for nutrient remobilisation, water quality, biodiversity, and HAB dynamics”.

The report concludes: “Claims that there is ‘no evidence’ linking commercial sand extraction at Lough Neagh to ecological damage or blue-green algal blooms (e.g. Ashley-Cooper, 2024) are not supported by the results presented here.”

A new Wildfires Action Plan has been launched for Northern Ireland after what appeared to be a record year for the largely ‘manmade’ disasters in 2025.

Homes, businesses and communities all faced a growing number of wildfire related risks after gorse that was set alight deliberately or accidentally in areas like the Mournes got out of control, damaging vital habitats that will take years to recover.

According to a Freedom of Information request to Northern Ireland Fire and Rescue Service, it responded to 1,153 wildfires from January 1 to May 27, 2025. For the same period in 2024, it was 161 and in 2023, 288. Figures were higher in 2022, when 471 gorse and grassland fires were recorded, but lower than 2020 (986) and 2021 (882).

Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs Minister Andrew Muir has now unveiled a plan to tackle them up to 2030.

He said: “We have all witnessed the devastating consequences of wildfires in recent years, endangering homes, businesses and communities whilst also damaging vital upland habitats across Northern Ireland.

“The Wildfire Action Plan lays out how we will work together to reduce wildfire risk by implementing specific actions over the years ahead. Its implementation will help make our communities more resilient by raising awareness of the dangers and providing the tools to adapt to and mitigate wildfire risks.”

The plan, produced alongside multiple agencies including NIFRS, as well as the Wildfire Stakeholder Forum and Strategic Wildlife Group, includes five objectives. They are prevention, preparedness, response, recovery and enforcement.

It is hoped the 35 key areas they cross will enhance regional capabilities to prevent and tackle wildfires across Northern Ireland.

NIFRS Area Commander and Strategic Wildfire Lead, Ryan Thompson, says the plan sets out a new approach to reduce their frequency and severity to help protect lives, the environment and make Northern Ireland safer”.

He added: “We are committed to the strong, unified approach behind the Wildfire Action Plan to ensure our Firefighters are ready to respond to incidents in their local areas. With spring beginning, we urge the public to follow our safety advice when visiting the countryside.”

Within the wildfire action plan, which the minister says will also support work on climate adaptation, biodiversity and peatland restoration, sits a Wildfire Recovery Project that will take three years.

DAERA has appointed a consortium of international wildfire experts to deliver mitigation work, management and response plans for wildfires in specially protected habitats of the Eastern Mournes, North Antrim Hills and the Carn/Glenshane Pass.

The project, supported by the Carrier Bag Levy, will be led by global non-profit the Pau Costa Foundation. Its experts will work to improve wildfire resilience across these designated areas of special scientific interest; conservation or protection.

It will engage with landowners and stakeholders including NIFRS, the UFU, NI Water, Forest Service and NGOs on the project.

Minister Muir added: “The appointment of these experts is an important step towards better wildfire management, and I encourage local stakeholders and land managers to participate in the project and engage with the consultants during their initial information gathering processes.”

Based in Catalonia, the foundation was set up in memory of firefighter Pau Costa Alcubierre, who died in a forest fire in 2009. It is dedicated to wildfire management, fire ecology, and landscape management as well as the safety of firefighters.

Its general director, Jordi Vendrell, said: “Northern Ireland is highly advanced in wildfire management and strategic planning, and the implementation of projects like this clearly demonstrates that leadership. Initiatives of this kind also create an important opportunity to connect knowledge and experience from different parts of Europe, strengthening collaboration and improving how we collectively prevent and respond to wildfire risk.”

Ireland’s continued reliance on fossil fuels is leaving families, communities and businesses ‘acutely vulnerable’ to price shocks like that which was sparked by growing conflict in the Middle East.

That’s according to the Climate Change Advisory Council, which today unveils a new report highlighting how the climate crisis is already causing significant damage in the State alongside gaps in how the impacts are being monitored.

‘Our Changing Climate 2025’ outlines clear evidence of rising temperatures and more frequent extreme weather in 2025, with growing risks for communities, infrastructure, essential services and the economy.

But according to chair of the CCAC’s adaption committee, Professor Peter Thorne: “Ireland remains underprepared for these impacts.”

He said: “Climate change is no longer a future issue. Its damaging impacts are being felt across the environment, the economy and our communities. We are seeing clear evidence that a warming climate is leading to more frequent and severe extreme weather events.”

Our Changing Climate 2025, highlights how:

• Storm Éowyn, with its record-breaking wind speeds, was the most expensive storm-related insurance event in Irish history with claims in excess of €301m. It also exposed vulnerabilities in critical infrastructure and essential services, including energy, water and telecommunications

• Globally, the 10 most costly extreme weather events in 2025 caused damage exceeding €100bn

• 2025 was the second warmest year on record, with average summer temperatures 1.94°C above the 1961–1990 long-term average

• Seven of the ten warmest years have occurred since 2005

• The meteorological autumn was the fourth wettest on record, and six of the 10 wettest autumns have been since 2001 - a clear trend of increasing rainfall

• Ireland experienced record-breaking warm conditions in spring and summer, with Uisce Éireann declaring 49 water supplies in 15 counties to be in drought status

• Ireland recorded its highest ever wind gust of 184km/h in January 2025

• A record high minimum temperature for any calendar month of 19.0°C was also recorded in June

Following publication of the report, the CCAC has called for co-ordinated government action after it found gaps in monitoring around the economic, environmental and social consequences of extreme weather events.

Work that enables scientists to test potential links between greenhouse gas emissions and the weather we are experiencing today has shown the rainfall during Storm Claudia in November 2025 was twice as likely because of the climate crisis and almost 12% more intense than it would have been before the world started burning fossil fuels in the Industrial Revolution.

These new attribution capabilities point directly to the impact of climate change on weather patterns, including extreme conditions like Storm Chandra, which brought prolonged rains and severe flooded on already water logged grounds, which significantly increased flood risk.

Robust data and evidence are essential to informing effective policy, planning and investment says the CCAC - including investment in climate monitoring and infrastructure systems, strengthened policy and legislative frameworks as well as a systemic approach to improving national resilience.

Prof Thorne added: “We must shift from reacting to extreme weather events to anticipating and preparing for them. Effective adaptation measures that tangibly increase resilience are essential to protect people, our economy and our way of life.

“This must be underpinned by better data, stronger infrastructure and sustained investment to ensure we are ready for the challenges ahead.

“Improving our resilience must also go hand-in-hand with reducing our reliance on fossil fuels, not only to address climate change, but also to protect households and businesses from volatile energy costs and strengthen Ireland’s energy security in an increasingly uncertain global context.”

The advisory body says it has repeatedly stressed how there are viable energy alternatives to fossil fuels that would increase Ireland’s economic resilience, reduce dependency on others and reduce the country’s impact on global warming.

In the first of its 2025 review series, the CCAC also identified climate impacts on nature, including shifts in the seasonal lifecycles of insects and wildlife, signalling broader ecological change. This can increase the risk of disease outbreaks like ash dieback and avian influenza; invasive species such as the Asian Hornet; harmful algal blooms and an increased risk of wildfires.

The Council has emphasised that adaptation must now become a central national priority, particularly in strengthening flood resilience and critical infrastructure. The body also urged coordinated government action, including investment in climate monitoring and infrastructure systems, strengthened policy and legislative frameworks, and a systemic approach to improving national resilience.

Its message is that protecting people, infrastructure and the economy will require sustained investment in climate resilience, alongside coordinated policy and long-term planning – and that without action or with delays – future risks will intensify and with them the costs, risks and disruption to society.

A top advisor to the European Union’s Court of Justice has flagged major issues with Ireland’s recent permission to extend its ‘nitrates derogation’ for some farms.

It allows more intensive or heavily stocked farms to spread more slurry on the land than would ordinarily be allowed by law - 250kg per hectare as opposed to 170kg to be precise.

An Taisce - which is the National Trust for Ireland - raised serious concerns about the nitrates derogation when it was approved. The charity also took a judicial review at Ireland’s High Court challenging the government’s fifth Nitrates Action Programme to tackle agricultural pollution which has since been escalated to European courts in respect of nine legal questions.

Ireland’s Environmental Protection Agency has consistently shown water quality to be negatively impacted, particularly from intensive agriculture, with nitrogen pollution being a significant problem in the South and Southeast of the country where the most intensive dairy farming occurs.

Advocate General Juliane Kokott of the Court of Justice of the European Union has now given an independent opinion on the nine questions put to the EU court. While her independent views are not binding, they are of considerable influence.

What the AG said:

• Priority has to be given to the requirement of the Water Framework Directive in creating a Nitrates Action Programme as water quality rules are binding

• The State must provide a higher threshold for nitrogen spreading will not breach those standards

• The State must assess the real-world impact of nitrates on water and the environment in framing an action plan - and not just rely on existence of rules set out in NAP

• AG opinion signposted need for farm level assessment to ensure compliance with the Water Framework Directive and the Habitats Directive

• Potential requirement for catchment-based assessment to ensure all nitrogen sources are taken into consideration before granting a derogation (para 89).

• Potential need for nitrogen budgets to ensure allowable nitrogen is divided between farmers (para 102).

• The AG also cast doubt on whether the derogation can continue if the NAP is found in breach of EU law,

• And highlights that the national court would have to determine if it could justify the temporary maintenance of the derogation if it is found to be unlawful (para 185).

Head of Advocacy for An Taisce, Dr Elaine McGoff, said: “The objective here is simple. We want Ireland to be a country that can provide and protect clean water.

“From our knowledge and understanding, the State has not provided the assessments and cannot provide the assurances that the NAP will not worsen water quality or undermine the environmental objectives of EU directives on water, habitats, and environmental assessment

“While the work of the courts, both in Ireland and Luxembourg, is detailed and complex, this is necessary work in order to pursue the relatively simple aim of protecting clean water in our rivers, lakes and seas in the interests of all Irish people.”

As a result of the case, Advocate General (AG) Kokott of the Court of Justice, was invited to provide evidence legal view on the case. While it is not

In conclusion, AG Kokott, said the considerations expressed in the Opinion to the court do not concern the Nitrates Action Plan as a whole but “rather the approval of the application of increased amounts of nitrogen alone”.

She said: “That approval can be separated from the rest of the action plan, as is also evidenced by the fact that it was not granted until a few months after the other measures. If it was repealed, the other restrictions on the application of nitrates would continue to be valid and the upper limit of 170 kg nitrogen per hectare per year (80) would be restored.”

The AG added that the “only obstacle” to that conclusion as far as she could see “would be economic disadvantages to farms which benefit from the derogation in order to apply increased amounts of nitrogen”.

“Those farms would either have to reduce their livestock numbers or find other buyers for manure which they could not apply to previously used land. Although it does seem doubtful that that interest would have as much weight as the already recognised interest in a Member States’ energy supply, (81) the national court would ultimately have to assess whether it would be sufficient to justify the temporary maintenance of the approval.”

The AG’s opinion is a core element of the process which precedes the Court’s judgment. It follows a hearing at the ECJ last December.

A full decision is expected later this year.

An Taisce is represented by FP Logue Solicitors, and Counsel are James Devlin SC and John Kenny BL.

The Stormont Minister overseeing energy policy for Northern Ireland dropped out of a renewables conference in Belfast the same day she was due to speak.

It comes as the war on Iran continues to hike the price of fossil fuels while around 62% of NI homes rely on oil for heating with no real alternative on the horizon.

Dr Caoimhe Archibald was scheduled to give the closing address at the Renewables NI ‘Smart Energy’ Conference 2026 at the Europa Hotel on Thursday afternoon.

Her department has said she was “unable to attend as she was chairing a special meeting of her economic engagement forum”.

Hundreds of industry insiders working across Ireland, the UK and Europe had gathered Belfast to talk about the developments needed to drive the delivery of renewables in NI and the potential of offshore wind in driving down household energy bills and society as a whole.

The Minister’s slot was filled by Judith Rance for Renewables NI who told the packed out event they were “disappointed not to hear from Economy Minister Dr Caoimhe Archibald” but that they have a good working relationship with DfE.

DAERA Minister Andrew Muir did attend. He outlined in his keynote address how “recent geopolitical tensions have demonstrated how our reliance on fossil fuels continues to expose households to global volatility".

The cost of oil, petrol and diesel rose at the fastest rate in almost 50 years after Israel and the US started a war with Iran. With 62% of NI households reliant on oil for heating people have to deal with these price shocks with no real alternatives available.

We reported earlier this week how the Programme for Government 2024-27 promised home retrofits to address fuel poverty - yet measures were taken in just 0.31% of NI homes in 2023/24 and there was budget left over.

Minister Muir added: “We will never be insulated from the global energy market volatility so long as Northern Ireland’s energy system is based around importing fossil fuels rather than creating our own renewables.

“That transition will deliver health and wellbeing co-benefits, like cleaner air, warmer homes, more active travel and healthier diets… estimated to provide £2 billion to £8bn a year in net benefit by 2050.

“It’s about building something better, stronger, smarter, more flexible and future proofed. Doing nothing is not an option.”

Despite the urgent need for more renewables in NI, it was revealed during a panel led by chair of Northern Ireland Maritime and Offshore, Sam McCloskey, that delivery of an offshore wind farm first mooted in February 2022, could be another 10 years away.

This could mean Northern Ireland does not meet its statutory target to deliver 80% of the region’s electricity through renewables by 2030, with the 1GW proposed through this offshore wind farm to be delivered “from 2030” onwards.

Regulation Manager at the Utility Regulator for NI, Emma Todd, said: “The 1GW of offshore wind is only from 2030, it wasn’t to be by 2030.”

The Crown Estate’s Offshore Wind Strategy Director, Will Apps, told the conference they stand ready to help deliver offshore wind for Northern Ireland.

He added: “There is a hell of a lot of opportunity in Northern Ireland and there’s also a situation where you don’t need to wait for that project pipeline to make the transitional move. We should be working all these work streams.”

Both Gary Connolly, head of offshore wind development at ESB, and Angela Larkin, Project Director at Ocean Winds, agreed the wind project is not likely to be built before 2036 - and that it could possibly take up to 2040.

Gary said: “Best case is 2036.”

Angie added that any sort of work that can be done to accelerate that, should be started in parallel with leasing rounds, which allow companies to bid for the rights to apply for planning permission for the likes of an offshore wind farm.

Minister Muir said: “The first auction plan for 2027 will help unlock new renewable projects, attract a significant amount of private investment and support stable, affordable electricity prices.”

A Department for the Economy spokesperson said: “The Minister was unable to attend as she was chairing a special meeting of her economic engagement forum.

“The purpose of the meeting was to discuss with key stakeholders the evolving energy landscape, rising costs, and the impact on local consumers and businesses, as a result of the attack on Iran.”

“No stone should be left unturned” in the case of a Lough Neagh eel fisherman who’s taking a Stormont department to court over pollution, a judge has said.

The Honourable Mr Justice McAlinden was speaking after Declan Conlon’s legal team launched his legal challenge over pollution that has sparked blue-green algae blooms the last three summers.

So many attended in support of the Co Tyrone fisherman that a bigger room had to be provided at Belfast’s High Court on Tuesday. Fishers, environmental campaigners, River Action and Friends of the Earth NI members packed out the public gallery to hear Declan Conlon’s team call for a judicial review, which is being supported by the two charities.

After some discussion, Mr Justice McAlinden sent barristers for Moortown native Mr Conlon and the Department for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs away to discuss “refinement of the issues” presented, describing the case before him as having a “kitchen sink approach”.

He told the court there is a “significant element of concern here about Lough Neagh” - and that proceedings would “probably benefit from some detailed evidential input from the proposed respondent”.

The judge also raised concerns about the absence of other parties that should be put on notice. He added: “We have had some debate about the ownership. In terms of formality has the present owner been put on notice and does the present owner wish to make any representation?

“In relation to the nitrate and phosphate contamination or alleged contamination, there is a significant amount of agricultural run-off. There is also waste water run off - does that bring in NI Water - should they be involved in this judicial review?

“Or is the fire being directed at DAERA in relation to nitrates and phosphates… regulation?

Following a 45 minute recess in which Mark Willers KC, representing Mr Conlon, liaised with Dr Tony McGleenan KC, who spoke for DAERA - it was agreed the case would be adjourned so other parties could be contacted.

Video: Mr Conlon points at he arrives at court with his solicitor, Enda McGarrity

Mr Willers said: “DAERA are going to talk to their Minister and confirm that leave should be granted on some of the grounds. It has not been confirmed, that’s why it has been adjourned for a review hearing on May 1.

“What the judge is saying is there is an arguable case here - but we need to refine that down.”

Dr McGleenan admitted before the court that Mr Conlon’s legal challenge is “a case where the court could grant leave” but he added it “might divert resources… from the department.”

Despite that, he agreed to further engagement after a number of grounds were taken off the table. McGleenan said notifications would be sent to a number of other parties including “NI Water in relation to wastewater issues” and “The Earl of Shaftesbury” who owns the bed of lough Neagh.

After what he described as “useful discussions” around grounds of challenge, he said “one, possibly two grounds will not proceed any further”.

Mr Willers told the court “the public trust doctrine ground, is one that we won’t advance”, adding, “as far as the human rights grounds - we would only argue article 8 and article 1.”

Article one protects the right to peaceful enjoyment of possessions, covering individuals, companies, land, money, and intellectual property, while article eight protects the right to respect for private and family life, home, and correspondence.

Conor Fegan KC appeared for the Ulster Farmers’ Union, which it was suggested represents all farmers with nitrates derogations. But the court was told it is the policy around derogations to spread more slurry than usually allowed by law, that are being challenged and not those that benefit from them.

Closing, Mr Justice McAlinden said a significant amount of time will be given to this case.

He added: “It’s an important issue in the sense that no stone should be left unturned.

“I think all the players should be able to contribute to the exercise that the court is engaged in. We will review the matter again on May 1.”

An eel fisherman who says his “way of life has been destroyed by the blue-green algae” is hoping to take a government department to court over the pollution that caused it.

Declan Connolly, who fished on the western shores of the UK and Ireland’s biggest freshwater lake his whole life, says he is now “watching it die in front of my eyes”.

Today, his legal team will seek leave for a judicial review against the Department for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs.

Speaking ahead of the legal challenge, he added: “This isn’t just about my livelihood – it’s about justice for the lough before there’s nothing left for the next generation.”

His sworn affidavit to the High Court will outline the deep generational connection his family has to the lough. It states: “Our father James Gerard Conlon was an eel fisherman and his father Hughie Conlon before him was an eel fisherman. Going further back than that, beyond memory, my family would all have been fishermen.

“My way of life has been destroyed by the blue-green algae and I want DAERA to do whatever is necessary to stop the algae and safeguard and protect Lough Neagh, the fish, the flies and the wildlife for the benefit of future generations.”

Mr Conlon’s case argues that DAERA continues to reply on inadequate plans and unforced pollution regimes despite clear evidence of ecological collapse over several years. The case also raises serious questions around how agricultural pollution is addressed in NI.

Lough Neagh also provides over 40% of Northern Ireland’s drinking water and has continued to do so amid now annual algae blooms which can be seen from space each summer since 2003.

Mr Conlon is being supported by Enda McGarrity, Director at P.A. Duffy & Co. He said the case reflects the lived experience of those whose livelihoods depend on the health of the lough.

“Declan did not take this case lightly. He has brought this challenge because he believes the lough, his livelihood, his way of life, and the community that depends on it deserve proper protection under the law,” he added.

“Declan Conlon has fished Lough Neagh his entire life, and what he is witnessing in recent years is a collapse unlike anything seen before. Where there was once abundance, there are now no flies for the eels to feed on, barely any birds, and stretches of water that smell so foul you cannot stand near them.

“He has seen the impact with his own eyes, from wildlife disappearing to reports of animals becoming sick after contact with the water. The blue-green algae is not just unsightly; it poses a real risk to health.”

Environmental charities River Action UK and Friends of the Earth Northern Ireland, said they will apply to intervene in Mr Conlon’s legal challenge.

River Action is seeking to help the Court assess whether DAERA is complying with its legal duties to protect Lough Neagh.

By drawing on recent legal cases addressing agricultural waste, nutrient pollution and river basin planning in England, River Action hopes to establish that DAERA must put in place clear, enforceable measures to reduce pollution and restore the health of the lough and its internationally important habitats.

Its Head of Legal Emma Dearnaley said: “Declan Conlon’s case raises urgent questions about whether enough is being done to tackle the pollution driving the decline of Lough Neagh. It is right to ask whether the legal frameworks designed to protect Northern Ireland’s waters are being properly applied. River Action seeks to assist the Court in answering that question.”

Leigh Day partner Ricardo Gama, who represents River Action, added: “As a national organisation, River Action hopes to make sure all jurisdictions in the UK are taking a correct and consistent approach to dealing with the acute pollution crisis in our rivers and lakes. They have already established important legal principles in cases brought in England, and they hope that they can bring these principles to bear in Mr Conlon’s case. This would not only be for the benefit of Lough Neagh, but also every other water body at risk of ecological collapse in Northern Ireland.”

Friends of the Earth NI has been campaigning to protect Lough Neagh for decades. Standing in solidarity with communities and grassroots groups such as Save Lough Neagh, Friends of the Earth NI is committed to seeking justice for Lough Neagh.

Its director, James Orr, said: “It is a sad indictment of the state of our environmental protection regime that it has taken a local fisherman to challenge government inaction through the Courts to protect the Lough.

“For generations the lough and its communities have been betrayed by those in power. Yet again, taking this case shows the leadership to protect our life support systems is coming from our local communities.”

Over 50,000 people have supported Friends of the Earth NI’s five point plan for a just settlement for the lough.

The High Court will hear arguments for and against a judicial review on the issues raised by Mr Conlon’s team today. Proceedings are expected to last one day, with a decision expected shortly afterwards on whether the case will proceed.

Northern Ireland has the highest deprivation levels in the UK and Ireland and some of the lowest earnings - yet the majority of its households have been left wide open to oil price shocks as a result of political ineptitude.

Some 62% of homes here still rely on oil for their heating, dwarfing every other part of these islands. Yet home heating oil is not regulated which means already struggling families here are also suffering because Israel and the US decided to bomb Iran.

But these war triggered fuel price surges are not new - oil bills went up when Russia attacked Ukraine. That’s not what I really want to talk about though.

Netanyahu and Trump don’t give a hoot about the impact of their actions on the people of NI - but our own politicians should. They know how many here are already living in fuel poverty and how the price hikes will heap additional misery on them.

Despite that, Stormont has done next to nothing to protect us from what seems to me to be a very obvious problem with a rather simple solution.

Instead of writing repeated reports outlining the value of transiting to renewables, they could actually change policy to deliver solar, wind and the much needed electrification of energy systems that would protect us from costs of far-away wars. They’d also need to stop allowing new oil and gas boilers to be fitted and change building regulations to ensure all new homes have an energy efficiency rating of A.

According to the Department for Communities’ recently published fuel poverty strategy for NI, one in four households was already in fuel poverty before the latest bombs fell - which is measured as those spending over 10% on their fuel needs.

NI’s home heating oil sector, however, is not regulated and the DfC fuel poverty strategy states: “We do not propose to regulate home heating oil but we do need to ensure that customers using oil and other fossil fuels are not forgotten or left behind”.

You know the one thing that would save us all from the price shocks forced on every day people by the wars of mad men in far flung countries? Renewables.

That’s wind and solar power, battery installations and retrofitting homes so they conserve energy through insulation, triple glazed windows and heat pumps that use electricity from our own grid to keep us warm rather than relying on imported oil, which is among the dirtiest of fossil fuels polluting our planet.

I reported in 2024 how NI was the only part of the UK where people can’t get a £7,500 grant to have a heat pump fitted despite the contraptions being built at a factory in Craigavon, while people in Ireland can get government support to have their house entirely retrofitted.

Electrification could protect us all from 80% oil bill hikes or rising petrol and diesel prices because we still largely drive combustion engine cars.

The Ministers and MLAs at Stormont have known all of this for a long time - I’ve read report after report about how shifting to renewables would protect us from price shocks, create new green jobs - and help save the planet from rising greenhouse gas emissions because of our ongoing love affair with fossil fuels - but where’s the action?

It’s all well and good to stick this in the 2024-27 Programme for Government:

“Retrofit Homes: We will facilitate the retrofitting of existing housing stock through sustainable funding and partnership models. Retrofitting Homes has several aims: addressing fuel poverty to help our communities, decarbonising our homes, reducing emissions from the residential sector, and supporting green jobs for economic growth.”

Where are the targets to enable accountability and what funding has been carved out for it? It’s also very nice that DfC’s fuel poverty strategy could wax lyrical about it in their subsequent strategy - but again, targets?

DfC’s strategy says: “The Programme for Government commits to retrofitting homes to address fuel poverty, reduce emissions from the residential sector, and support green jobs for economic growth.

“This emphasis on retrofit aligns with our Energy Strategy energy efficiency target and Housing Supply Strategy. Investment will deliver substantial savings for consumers and generate savings for public health.

“A very significant increase in funding for energy efficiency schemes is required, and while we project an initial £150 million investment in the first five years of the Warm Healthy Homes Fund, we need to ensure continued uplifts in investment in the latter half of the Strategy period.”

We asked the Executive Office, Department for Communities and Department for Economy how many homes were retrofitted here in 2024 and 2025 - since the Programme for Government was finalised.

DfE responded with a link to a report, that shows they didn’t even spend the whole budget for the 2023/24 Northern Ireland Sustainable Energy Programme schemes.

The initial NISEP fund that financial year was £7,941,946 - collected evenly across all units of electricity consumed. They spent just £7,475,977, but in an effort to explain this said it can even out across the years.

The report added: “Notably, there was a reduction in NISEP funding spent in Domestic schemes (£8.1m in 2022/23 compared to £6.9m in 2023/24). In addition, rising delivery costs, including labour, raw materials, and overheads, continued to impact installation rates.

“The ongoing cost of living crisis has continued to contribute to a decline in customer uptake of partially funded measures, with many households hesitant to invest in heating system upgrades due to financial constraints. As a result, there has been a decrease in both heating and insulation installations, ultimately leading to lower overall energy and carbon savings, in comparison to 2022/23.”

So how many homes were retrofitted since the PfG?

A DfE spokesperson said: “The Department for the Economy does not currently operate a home energy retrofit programme. During the timeframe outlined, the Department has worked in partnership with the Utility Regulator to provide additional funding to the NI Sustainable Energy Programme for this purpose.

“The most recent report available for the programme is for 2023/24 financial period and can be found here: NISEP Annual Report 2023/2024 | Utility Regulator. This report covers both the additional funding provided from the department and the overall delivery across the wider programme.

“Reporting from programmes of this type can often take up to 18 months, given the required level of verification and validation of data required post installation. The next report for the programme, covering the 2024/25 financial period is expected later this year.”

Again, how many properties have been retrofitted?

The report states that of the 2,451 properties that had work done to reduce their energy use or upgrade heating systems in 2023/24 - just 805 had heating replacements according to a Utility Regulator NI report.

But we also know from the Housing Executive that gas and oil boilers are still being offered under such schemes - so they are not being used to help people escape volatile and expensive fossil fuels.

Other installations in 2023/24 included loft insulation in 1,326 homes and cavity installation in a further 999; 4,565 LEDs were also provided as well as 436 low flow shower heads, 122 hot water tank jackets, 321 smart heating controls, 194 reflective radiator panels.

This resulted in 8,768 “total measures installed” and together, 2,451 properties benefitted.

That’s 0.31% of the total 768,900 households identified in the 2021 census - and we don’t know if any have been retrofitted to fit heating that doesn’t run on oil or gas.

Let that sink in - two years on from the Programme for Government - and they’ve barely scratched the surface of the 476,718 households that need urgent support to transition away from oil heating.

The Housing Executive offers an Affordable Warmth Scheme to households earning less than £23,000 a year - with grants up to £7,500. We asked if fossil fuel boilers are still being fitted as part of that scheme - which could tie vulnerable families into many more years relying on expensive fossil fuels.

A spokesperson said: “Yes. Under the Domestic Energy Efficiency Grants (Amendment) Regulations (NI) 2016, the Affordable Warmth Scheme continues to allow the installation of new oil/gas heating systems and the replacement of existing oil boilers with either oil or gas depending on availability.

“The Scheme is funded by the Department for Communities and delivered by the Housing Executive. The Scheme is designed to help those on lower incomes living in the private sector with the costs of installing energy efficiency measures to create a more efficient home, helping to alleviate fuel poverty.”

The only way government’s can truly alleviate fuel poverty - is not leaving the vast majority of your households reliant on expensive fossil fuels. A gift of about £34 isn’t going to touch the sides while Israel and the US continue attacking the Middle East.

What we need is annual retrofitting targets, removing fossil fuels from homes and ensuring we say good bye to planet-wrecking dinosaur fuels once and for all.

Progress reports would also be good, so we can hold politicians to account.

In a debate that saw MLAs go toe-to-toe on a motion asking that the Northern Ireland Assembly “strongly condemns the blocking” of an independent environmental protection agency by the DUP - it passed 44 to 23.

The motion:

That this Assembly strongly condemns the blocking of the establishment of an independent environmental protection agency (IEPA) by the Democratic Unionist Party; further condemns the hypocrisy of those who express concern over the Lough Neagh crisis, the illegal dump at Mobuoy and wider environmental degradation but refuse to support plans to enhance environmental accountability and safeguards; notes that a commitment to an IEPA was contained in the New Decade, New Approach deal; agrees that it is undemocratic for an IEPA to be unilaterally vetoed by one party which represents a minority in the Assembly as a whole; and calls on the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to take meaningful steps to ensure that the commitment in ‘New Decade, New Approach’ is implemented.

That means the Assembly will now write to Secretary of State, Hilary Benn, asking him to “take meaningful steps” to ensure the commitment to an EPA in New Decade New Approach is implemented.

Alliance deputy leader Mr Tennyson later laid out two options for the Secretary of State going forward. He said he could:

1. Engage the parties in a process of meaningful reform of these institutions. While that would take longer, it would respect the role of the institutions.

2. Follow the course taken with the then culture and language Bill, which the previous Government passed, and step in to put enabling powers in place to allow the Department to move forward.

A spokesperson for the NIO told The Earth’s Corr last week, this is a matter for the Executive - so will anything change with Assembly involvement?

An amendment to the motion from the SDLP’s Matthew O’Toole was not as successful. It asked:

After "New Decade, New Approach deal;" insert: "regrets that this commitment was not reaffirmed as part of the restoration of the Executive in February 2024 or included in the Executive’s Programme for Government;".

As he introduced the motion on March 10, Alliance deputy leader Eóin Tennyson said: “It is no surprise that the DUP would renege on commitments made in 'New Decade, New Approach'. We are all well accustomed to their snake oil salesman approach. It is, however, a staggering display of arrogance and disrespect not just to their partners in government but, more important, to the people of Northern Ireland, that they have not kept their word.

“Clean air, safe water and healthy land are not privileges; they are rights, and they must be safeguarded by a body with the independence and authority to hold all of us to account — government, businesses and wider society. An independent environmental protection agency (EPA) would not only act as a watchdog and a deterrent to polluters; it would be a catalyst for restoration, investment and rebuilding public trust.

“The perilous state of our environment is not an orange or green issue.

“It is bizarre that the DUP, as a unionist party, would argue that citizens in Northern Ireland, drinking mouldy water and breathing poor air, are not entitled to the protections and safeguards enjoyed by citizens in England, Scotland and Wales.”

Michelle McIlveen took centre stage in rebutting the motion on behalf of the DUP. She outlined her previous assertion that NI already has ‘Northern Ireland Environment Agency’.

And added: “An independent environmental protection agency will not clean up Lough Neagh or improve the quality of one drop of water. What it will do is afford the Minister scope to say that it should do better rather than accepting that it is he who should do better.”

For clarity, NIEA sits under DAERA, is funded by DAERA and answers to DAERA. It is not independent and cannot report independently on the environmental failings of government department, councils across NI or any other official bodies.

Independent environmental protection agencies, like Ireland’s, tend to be tasked with jobs like providing annual reports on issues like water quality improvements, the state of bathing waters or dinking water and other issues like pollution reduction and meeting energy transition or climate targets.

Ms McIlveen also asked where the money would come from to fund this agency, adding: “If the money has not been available to fund adequately the bodies that the Minister has currently, it will not be available to fund this new body, unless it is taken from somewhere else.”

She did not remark on the DUP reneging on a New Decade New Approach promise.

In relation to the money question, NISRA stats show the NI Executive spent £31.8 billion in 2024-25 - £728 million of which went to DAERA.

The department which oversees our farming, food systems and rural affairs got the third smallest budget behind the Executive Office and Department of Finance and was just behind the Department of Economy, which got £1.06 billion.

Of DAERA’s £728m - £488m went to food and farming [including farm payments now being made through DAERA as a result of Brexit]. Veterinary and animal services got £112m and environment, marine and fisheries £85m and the rest labelled ‘other’.

It is unclear how much goes directly to environmental protection, unlike in the 2016-17 budget which outlines clearly how environment spending totalled £41m in NI.

A High Court judge has accused two Stormont Departments of “gaslighting” him in their appeal against his decision blocking proposals for a new A5 dual carriageway.

Mr Justice McAlinden today delivered judgement on the latest appeal by the Department for Infrastructure and later supported by the Department for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs.

He says during that judgement that the way both departments have acted is “entirely unfair and unacceptable and constitutes an unprincipled approach to litigation by two government departments”.

That’s because halfway through the appeal process, they changed the legal basis on which they sought to appeal and in an unusual move, Lady Justice Keegan sent part of the appeal back to Mr Justice McAlinden to hear.

But this isn’t the first judgement in the case, with an ongoing battle over the project spanning back to 2009.

Key milestones:

2009: Executive announces the new A5 road project [aka Western Transport Corridor]

2011-2012: A public inquiry was held and the Department for Regional Development Minister decided to proceed

2012: The Alternative A5 Alliance launched a legal challenge and the court found DfI had failed to comply with the EU Habitats Directive regarding local rivers and bogs, halting the project

2013-2015: Habitats regulation assessments done on Special Area of Conservation Tully Bog, Lough Foyle and Lough Neagh and Lough Beg Ramsar Sites, River Foyle and Tributaries, River Finn and Owenkillew River Special Areas of Conservation, Lough Foyle, Lough Swilly and Lough Neagh and Lough Beg Special Protection Areas

2016: DfI consulted on updates to Draft Orders and Environmental Statement and a second public inquiry was held by the Planning Appeals Commission

2017: The PAC said the A5 road project could proceed

2018: A second legal challenge was launched by the Alternative A5 Alliance as the decision was made by a civil servant and not a minister. DfI conceded

2019: A third public inquiry was held

2022: Publication of New Environmental Statement Addendum and PAC interim report from the last public inquiry

2023: PAC issues final advisory report

2024: Former DfI Minister John O’Dowd said the project would go ahead and the AA5A launches a new legal challenge on the grounds it breached NI’s Climate Act

June 2025: High Court Judge Mr Justice McAlinden quashed the decision to proceed and DfI handed farmers back over 2,000 acres of land that was vested for the road with promises of compensation for changes, like tree cutting, that were already made. Stormont’s Infrastructure Committee was told £110m had already been spent on the project, pre-construction.

August 2025: DfI appealed the High Court decision blocking the road

December 2025: The Court of Appeal case, which DAERA then sought leave to intervene on, began but Lady Chief Justice Siobhan Keegan sent part of the legal battle back to the High Court due to new arguments raised around climate targets

March 2026: High Court Judge, Mr Justice McAlinden heard those arguments and has delivered his judgement

In summary of a 37-page report on his latest decision in the case, Mr Justice McAlinden says: “My firmly held view is that the merits of this new case should only be undertaken by a court if and when a fresh challenge emerges to a fresh decision taken by the DfI on the basis of this new case.

“The reason why I have set out that new case in such great detail is to illustrate beyond peradventure that it is indeed a new case and one which is fundamentally at odds with the case which was previously made before me.”

Where a case goes before the NI courts, judges can only make judgement on the original arguments set out before them. The law doesn’t allow for those arguments to be changed half way through the case, even at appeal.

This was set out by Mr Justice McAlinden in his findings. He said: “This new case was not the case that was put before the PAC and it was not the case that was put before me at the first hearing. It is a case which is significantly at variance.

“I cannot envisage any circumstances in which it would be permissible for a government department to make a decision on the basis of one case and when that decision is quashed on the grounds that the evidential foundation for that case was found to be lacking, to appeal that decision and during the course of that appeal to attempt to justify the decision on the basis of a different case and one which is fundamentally at variance with the first case. But this is exactly what is being attempted in this appeal.

“I state with the utmost conviction that I regard this approach as nothing less than ‘gaslighting’. I know the case that the DfI made before me during the first hearing and I carefully and comprehensibly analysed that case. The case that is now being made is not the case that was presented before me.”

Commenting on the latest developments, DfI Minister Liz Kimmins, said: “I am disappointed with today’s outcome. However, notwithstanding the High Court’s latest conclusions, I remain fully committed to pursuing the appeal in full. My priority remains to get the road built and to save lives.”

You can read the full judgement here.

An Taisce is taking legal action against the Irish Government over its sixth plan to reduce agricultural water pollution from the likes of slurry.

The Nitrates Action Programme is legally required under European law and should set out how authorities will reduce nitrate pollution from farming to protect our water sources like rivers, lakes and seas.

It comes just months after the government fought for, and won, an extension to the ‘nitrates derogation’ which allows intensive farms to spread more slurry, sewage sludge etc on the land than is normally allowed by law.

Ireland is now the only country in the EU 27 with a derogation for the three years from January 1, 2026, despite declining water quality, the unfavourable conservation status of 90% of protected habitats and outbreaks of toxic blue green algae blooms at Blessington Lake and Lough Derg as a result of nutrient pollution.

An Taisce also hopes to challenge the derogation extension by seeking a reference to the EU’s Court of Justice to determine the validity of the European Commission’s Nitrates Derogation decision for Ireland in December 2025 - the same month the sixth NAP was published.

Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine, Martin Heydon, welcomed the EC’s decision, saying at the time: “Securing continued availability of the Nitrates Derogation has been a key priority for me as minister and indeed for the whole of government.”

Environmental charities including An Taisce and The Sustainable Water Network (SWAN) slammed the move amid worsening water quality and the potential impacts on nature and protected habitats.

SWAN CEO, Sinéad O Brien, said following the announcement: “The evidence simply did not exist to justify renewing Ireland’s nitrates derogation. Science has shown that water quality is not improving; it’s getting worse.”

An Taisce’s Head of Advocacy, Dr Elaine McGoff, said: “This derogation decision is actually shocking. There are fewer waterbodies at good ecological status now than there were three years ago.”

Following the announcement An Taisce is seeking a judicial review, Dr McGoff added: “We have not taken this case lightly. It is a challenge to a flawed and unlawful process.

“The public at large are strong in their view that clean water should be a national priority. The Government is clearly not listening.

“At the heart of the challenge is a fundamental failure of process with an absence of evidence underpinning the measures that were being proposed, as well as changes to methodology which in our opinion are aimed at avoiding detailed environmental scrutiny of [the] plan.

“An Taisce pointed out a number of significant legal and ecological weaknesses in the plan in our own submission to the consultation, which drew on varied bases of evidence and research that could equally have been procured by the Department itself in its work. It would seem that this evidence was ignored as the NAP was approved just a few days after the public consultation closed with no apparent changes on the areas addressed.”

The charity is already challenging the State’s fifth NAP and is awaiting judgement on that case, which was heard by the EU Court of Justice in Luxembourg in December.

In relation to their new legal challenge, they said proceedings also target the unexplained reclassification of the Habitats Directive assessment process because unlike previous NAPs, the sixth NAP was classified as a ‘management plan’ for European protected sites.

An Taisce says this allowed the minister to exclude the vast majority of its substantive measures from full Appropriate Assessment, with the rationale they were necessary for the management of these protected areas.

That meant 32 of 34 possible measures, including rules on slurry storage, buffer zones, fertiliser application periods and livestock manure limits, were screened out from detailed environmental scrutiny.

This approach was adopted despite Ireland’s own Article 17 Habitats Directive report, published just days after the NAP was finalised, showing that 90% of Ireland’s protected habitats are in unfavourable conservation status and that 69% of those habitats are directly impacted by agricultural pressures. This further calls into question the extent of environmental assessment which was undertaken in respect of this new NAP.

An Taisce is also challenging the programme’s compliance with the Water Framework Directive, pointing to EPA data from August 2025 identifying ongoing elevated nitrogen levels across major river catchments in the south-east – including the Slaney, Barrow, Bandon, Blackwater, Boyne, Nore and Suir– with associated estuaries in moderate or poor condition. The State previously accepted that polluting nutrient loads needed to be reduced in our rivers, lakes and estuaries, yet water quality has continued to deteriorate in the intervening period.

The sixth Nitrates Action Programme was signed into law by the Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage, James Browne, in December 2025.

It included measures including increased slurry and soiled water storage capacity requirements on dairy farms from October 1, 2028; a ban on sewage sludge applications on arable land in autumn in the Barrow and Slaney & Wexford Harbour catchments from January 31, 2008, except for land sown with brassica spp [broccoli, cabbage, kale, rapeseed, and turnip] or grass and for derogation farmers to use a farm-gate nutrient balance calculated using the DAFM supported AgNav tool by December 31, 2027.

A row over the DUP’s “undemocratic” blocking of an Independent Environmental Protection Agency appears to be escalating amid plans to ask the Secretary of State to intervene.

Alliance MLAs John Blair and Eóin Tennyson are bringing a motion before the Assembly asking Members to “strongly condemn” the DUP’s actions.

They also hope to gather support to ask Hilary Benn to “take meaningful steps to ensure the commitment in the New Decade New Approach deal is implemented”.

An IEPA was approved by every Executive party, including the DUP, as part of the 2020 deal to get the Assembly back up and running.

Page 44 of the agreement outlines how “the Executive will establish an Independent Environmental Protection Agency” to oversee work outlined in the Climate Change Act and ensure environmental targets are met.

Yet despite repeated calls from environmental organisations, support from agriculture and environment Minister Andrew Muir and the Lough Neagh crisis, an IEPA has not been delivered..

The two Alliance MLAs say the Democratic Unionist Party is “unilaterally” vetoing the move.

Mr Blair added: “We need to reform our institutions to remove the ability of one party to block and veto issues like this which would benefit all of us by delivering an organisation to help protect our water and landscape.

“Alliance has long called for an independent Environmental Protection Agency, given Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK without one.

“This is an outstanding commitment in the New Decade, New Approach agreement, signed up to by the DUP. Once again, that party seems happy to have an Irish Sea border, only this time for environmental and social issues, by blocking it at the Executive despite overwhelming expertise calling for its establishment and the backing of the Assembly.”

The Alliance motion is expected before the Assembly on March 10. It states: “It is undemocratic for an IEPA to be unilaterally vetoed by one party which represents a minority in the Assembly on the whole.”

And proposes that “this Assembly strongly condemns the blocking of the establishment of an Independent Environmental Protection Agency by the Democratic Unionist Party”.

It also “condemns the hypocrisy of those who express concern over the Lough Neagh crisis, the illegal dump at Mubuoy and wider environmental degradation but refuse to support plans to enhance environmental accountability and safeguards”.

We asked the DUP why it is blocking an IEPA by email and phone - the party did not respond before publication.

The Northern Ireland Office was also asked if Secretary of State Hilary Benn plans to act since an IEPA was promised six years ago and has still not been delivered.

A spokesperson said: “This is a matter for the Northern Ireland Executive.”

The Planning Appeals and Water Appeals Commissions have outlined the topics they will cover on each day of the public inquiry into a goldmine application.

It will begin again on Monday, April 13 following a delay sparked by a Stormont department’s failure to notify the Irish Government on potential cross border issues.

Independent tribunal bodies the PAC and WAC are leading the inquiry, which will cover issues including but not limited to, social and environmental impacts, human rights, policy compliance, policing, regulation, tourism and peatland impacts, foreign investment and economic appraisal.

In outlining the topics to be discussed each day of the inquiry, the Commission said: “There will be no movement of topics from the dates outlined above.”

The inquiry starts again on Monday, April 13 and will sit from 10am-4.30pm each day it is listed at Strule Arts Centre in Omagh.

The timetable

The Commission says the subtopics shown are for information only and do not necessarily indicate their running order within their topic.

It also said there will be no movement of topics from the dates outlined above and it will discuss suggested conditions only where they relate to matters raised by representations.

Consultees required to give evidence include DAERA, DfI, NIEA, public health and biodiversity experts as well as Fermanagh & Omagh District Council and Derry City & Strabane District Council.

A statement from the Commission added: “The Commission expects all referring authorities to be available to answer questions for the duration of the Inquiries. All referring authorities should also come to the hearing sessions informed and prepared to answer questions in relation to all issues raised relevant to their application(s).

“The Commission also requests DfI Planning identify a consultee(s) to appear before the Inquiries and answer questions relating to climate.

“If participants wish for expert witnesses to be heard on their behalf, they should plan to ensure that those witnesses are present in accordance with the timetable above or as amended. This will occur during discussions on each topic, when the relevant expert witnesses are present.”

The tribunal body overseeing a public inquiry into a Northern Ireland goldmining bid has been handed a 4,000-strong petition calling for a live stream of proceedings.

Save Our Sperrins and Act Now say the inquiry, which is being held at Omagh’s Strule Arts Centre, is “anything but public” because it favours those who can’t afford the time to be there.

They say many affected residents will be unable to take part in daily proceedings because of work, illness, childcare or other care responsibilities.

And have called on the Planning Appeals Commission to:

1. Live stream the inquiry

2. Video record proceedings and make them publicly available online

3. Allow expert witnesses to participate online if they cannot be present

The public inquiry, which has seen a number of delays, starts again on April 13.

Marella Fyffe from Save our Sperrins said: “With no live stream, access to online recording or option to contribute remotely, this inquiry is anything but public.

It favours the rich and powerful, such as Dalradian, who can spend endless resources on barristers and consultants, PR experts and lobbyists… and denies the people who live here, along with downstream communities who would also be affected, a fair chance to participate fully in what is meant to be a public inquiry.”

Canadian firm, Dalradian Gold, applied for planning permission to extract gold and other metals from the Sperrins Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty near Greencastle, Co Tyrone in 2017.

A community campaign sparked by health and environmental concerns led to over 50,000 objections and in turn a public inquiry.

Pollution incidents have already been recorded in nearby waterways during the company’s exploration phase and some locals fear a working mine and associated waste “mountain” - called a dry stack tailings storage facility - will cause air, water and land pollution that could impact them, farm animals grazing the land and nature.

The company, which now has US-backing, says the mine will bring jobs and investment to the area and that it will mine in an environmentally responsible manner.

Disgraced ex-US Ambassador, Peter Mandelson, hosted a St Patrick’s Day breakfast in Washington last year attended by deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly, Health Minister Mike Nesbitt, Communities Minister Gordon Lyons and Dalradian. He later wrote to the head of NI’s civil service about frustration over delays to the application.

The company also appears to have the support of the UUP and DUP with UUP politicians criticised for recently visiting the mine and DUP leader Gavin Robinson saying it is a “total disgrace” Dalradian is still waiting to open a mine at a Northern Ireland Affairs Committee meeting in January.

Campaigner at Act Now, Roan Ellis-O’Neill, said: “Since the suspension of the public inquiry, we have read endless reports of our elected leaders coming out to bat for Dalradian - some with the help of disgraced ex-UK ambassador to US Peter Mandelson.

“This shows the money and power Dalradian has to run PR exercises, and try to curry favour, while people who are using every single minute of their time to stop large-scale industrial mining from tearing up our countryside, have nothing like the same resource.”

Roan added: “Over 4000 of our members signed this petition because they are outraged by the blatant lack of democratic procedure to engage with the Planning Appeals Commission’s inquiry.”

Months of investigative work for the Irish Independent has seen every local authority Climate Action Plan in the Republic of Ireland analysed for the first time.

In ‘Weathering change: Your county’s climate story’ launched today, a team of reporters including The Earth’s Corr, spoke to people across the state about the risks their county faces, as well as the challenges posed by the climate crisis, oversights and council efforts to drive down the greenhouse gas emissions that are responsible.

Its publication couldn’t have come at a more apt time, as communities including Enniscorthy, Co Wicklow, attempt to clean up after devastating flooding sparked by Storm Chandra.

In Ireland, severe flooding is “the price we have to pay” for not doing more to control the crisis, according to Maynooth University professor John Sweeney.

Your county’s climate story

In 2015, Ireland was one of 187 parties that ratified the Paris Agreement to keep global heating well below 2C and, at Cop21, pursued efforts to limit it to 1.5C.

To do that, the government passed laws meaning Ireland has to halve emissions by 2030 compared to 2018 levels and achieve net zero by 2050. In line with these regulations, each of the state’s local authority areas had to publish a five-year Climate Action Plan setting out how they would help the country meet those targets.

With the last three years being the hottest on record, and Irish communities facing more climate-linked extremes, action is becoming ever more urgent.

Clean-up operations are already costing millions, but the cost of further climate action delays and failing to meet EU targets could cost us billions.

Find out about the major climate risks already facing your county, as well as council challenges and what the local authority plans to do to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by clicking here.

The Weathering Change project by the Irish Independent was supported by Coimisiún na Meán and involved several Local Democracy reporters as well as the Earth’s Corr.