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Kouto pa janm grate manch li.
A knife never cuts its own handle

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to challenge you to reflect on and discover the spirit and poetry of the proverb for yourself. Did you understand today’s proverb?

CHAY LA | Main Story

2026 Elections

As the Haitian transitional government presses forward with elections, Haitians abroad face the threat of mass deportation, and armed groups in Haiti enforce restrictions on residents. Asking what kind of elections are possible under these circumstances is the necessary question. So is understanding the danger of the political limbo Haiti has been in. Untangling this dichotomy is the current rhetorical task, one worth taking not just as a thought exercise but as a necessary part of the political task of building the Haiti we want to see. What exactly is it we’re doing?

Haiti’s transitional government is moving full speed ahead with elections, despite the very real contradictions and challenges at hand, and with limited progress in regaining control of large territories in the Lwès (West), Latibonit (Artibonite), and Sant (Center) departments. Voter registration has been underway since late July, launching initially across departmental capitals, but not in the Lwès department due to the security crisis in the region.

Over 300 political parties registered for these elections, and the Konsèy Elektoral Pwovizwa—Provisional Electoral Council— (KEP) has moved to consolidate them into broader coalitions, officially approving only 17 distinct political groups to date. According to the official calendar, the first round of elections for the presidency, the legislature, and the constitutional referendum are scheduled for December 13, 2026.

To put this hurried process in context, these elections are intended as a solution to over a decade of profound institutional collapse engineered under successive Tèt Kale (PHTK) administrations. The leadership of Michel Martelly and Jovenel Moïse left Haiti without a constitutionally sound pathway to hold regular elections.

Years of systemic mismanagement and delayed local and legislative polls effectively dismantled the parliament, while the assassination of Moïse left the executive branch entirely vacant. The resulting power vacuum triggered a rapid succession of short-lived prime ministerial appointments, none of whom managed to stabilize the country (if that was ever their goal).

This state of institutional decay directly enabled criminal syndicates to seize vast territories, forcing the current transitional government to rebuild a broken electoral infrastructure from scratch.

Krisla’s Internal Revenue Service

Christ-Roy “Krisla” Chéry, head of the Ti Bwa gang, has instituted an annual tax on residents of Kafou, demanding between 5,000 and 200,000 gourdes to finance community services, according to the sanctioned leader. To do this, the gang has initiated a registration process, logging homes in the area to begin collections.

According to residents on the ground, demands can arrive in the morning and be due by the afternoon, leaving residents in great fear and urgency, forcing some to sell off the little they may have to collect the sums now owed to the gang.

“If you get on a motorcycle and carry a suitcase, you pay 50 gourdes. For a money transfer, you give 200 gourdes for every $100 you collect. At the money-transfer offices — MoneyGram, Western Union, CAM Transfer, etc. — they tell you it’s for the boss.” (Source: Ayibopost)

Extortion through taxation is nothing new for the armed groups. Travel has been taxed for many years by gangs all over the Lwès Department. Banks, gas stations and other businesses have long been forced to pay monthly fees — with schools asked to make voluntary gifts, and hospitals exempt.

An added strain on an already violent and inhumane situation, this means gangs are openly operating on the territory — their toll booths stationed on main roads and they make personal visits to residents and businesses alike. Why then is it so difficult to regain control of the territory when they operate out in the open?

In addition to deploying a registration system to collect these taxes, the Ti Bwa gang, part of the Viv Ansanm Coalition, plans to seize vacant homes and rent them out if residents are away for three months or more.

What does it mean to organize elections where armed groups are filling administrative roles that the state abandoned? The question of who controls the armed groups and who benefits from their revenue-generating activities remains deliberately ambiguous. The security crisis allows people to lose sight of what the actual demands of the Haitian people are. A state that is not accountable to its people and fails to provide basic public services creates a vacuum, and vacuums get filled by the most powerful and the most violent. Armed groups operating in the open point to collusion from above. And they remind us that the security crisis has always been the biggest distraction from the real struggle: self-determination, food sovereignty, freedom to live and thrive on one’s own terms.

»» Featured On Woy

This week on Woy Magazine, Martine Jean, Haitian-American filmmaker and film critic, reviews Rachelle Salnave’s latest work in the form of a documentary titled “Dual Citizen”. An Emmy-nominated filmmaker and cultural leader, Rachelle Salnave’s work centers on migration, Haitian identity, and black global life across the Americas. Check it out on Woy Magazine!

KILTIRÈL

235th Anniversary of Bwa Kayiman

This year marks the 235th anniversary of the historic Bwa Kayiman ceremony, which took place on August 14, 1791. Bwa Kayiman was the pivotal political meeting and Vodou ceremony that ignited the Haitian Revolution. For only the second time in history, this monumental event was officially observed as a national holiday in Haiti. Commemorations honoring this legacy of freedom and resistance took place across the nation and throughout the global diaspora.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Beyond TPS: Haiti must prepare to welcome home its greatest asset—its people by Dr. Guerda Nicolas

• Haïti: Le pari d’une résistance patriotique pour une sortie de crise by Charilien Jean Giles - Alterpresse

• Naming The Harm: A Critical and Multidimensional Analysis of Gender-Based Violence in Haiti (online conservation organized of Haitian Women’s Collective with authors Dr. Lovesun Parent, Isabelle Clerie and Jessica Hsu)

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Zonbi goute sèl, li pa mande rete
Once a zombie tastes salt, it never wants to stop
Haitian proverb

*In Haitian folklore, the remedy for zombification is salt. We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to challenge you to reflect on and discover the spirit and poetry of the proverb for yourself. Did you understand today’s?

CHAY LA | Main Story

The End of TPS for Haiti

After weeks of repeatedly extended expiration dates as litigation wrapped up, the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designation has officially been terminated for Haiti and Syria. In the final weeks of litigation, advocates and immigration experts had made clear that termination was all but inevitable without an 11th-hour intervention. On July 27, that reality arrived: after up to 15 years of legal protection, the right to work, and the ability to build a life here, thousands of Haitians and Syrians had their status terminated.

Now, the inevitable news of plans for aggressive ICE operations targeting Haitians has been circulating. These plans are expected to begin with arrests in Ohio, particularly targeting large Haitian populations in cities like Springfield, and rapidly placing detainees on deportation flights back to the ongoing crisis in Haiti.

Since the Supreme Court ruling siding with Trump, many Haitian residents in Ohio have received “call-in letters” from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), telling them to report to ICE field offices. But according to Ohio governor Mike DeWine, federal officials have not divulged any of their plans targeting the Haitian community in his state, including any raids or widespread operations.

Several TPS holders who received these letters and attended their appointments left with ankle monitors, restricting them to a 75-mile radius around their address. Recipients have also reportedly been given the option of wearing an ankle monitor or accepting a deportation flight and $2,600. Some people attending their appointments in York, Pennsylvania, have been detained.

Dozens of people holding signs protesting the end of TPS and expressing solidarity with Haitians were seen outside an ICE field office in Cincinnati on August 2. Viles Dorsainvil, executive director of the Haitian Community Help and Support Center in Springfield, explained the following:

“The American people have to know that if we are here, it is because the foreign policies of those big countries have failed our country and make it a hell for us,” he said. “If you put my house on fire, you would have to expect that I would come to your yard.” (Source: Cincinnati.com)

In a recent piece for Woy Magazine in June 2026, Naomi Legros called this targeting of Haitians a new form of zombification:

KILTIRÈL| BlackStar

Black Zombie and More…

This week, Philly’s iconic film festival, the BlackStar Film Festival, returns and Haiti is being featured in various ways throughout the festival. Described as an “annual celebration of the visual and storytelling traditions of the global majority,” we’re proud to be a screening partner for two special showings. If you are in Philadelphia, check it out and use our promo code screeningpartner15 for 15% off at blackstarprojects.org/festival.

As Naomi wrote above, “A phenomenon transported from the lands of the Kongo in West Africa to the sugar plantations of Saint Domingue, the nzambi (soul), later known as the zonbi in Kreyòl, was birthed out of Haitian folklore and Vodou before being bastardized by Western media. Haitian Vodou acknowledges death as a transition to a different realm, not an absolute end. Death was desired by enslaved Haitians who were brutalized under French colonial rule. It meant that their souls would return to Ginen (Guinea, Africa) for eternal freedom.”

It is almost poetry that this year’s BlackStar Film Festival is featuring filmmaker Maya Bedward’s “Black Zombie.” This film explores the journey of the zombie concept, stemming from Haitian spiritual traditions, to somehow ending up in Hollywood horror. Black Zombie is screening on Friday, August 7 at 7:30 PM at Suzanne Roberts Theater in Philadelphia. Use our promo code screeningpartner15 for 15% off.

The “Chile, Please!” shorts block features a few films that delve into childhood, and Myriam Charles has already shown a remarkable gift for depicting Haitian childhood. Charles returns with her latest film, “Treasure Island.”

Summer 1993. Marthe, 12, convinces her brother to run away from home and from the Haitian heritage they both reject. Joined by their cousins in a park, they debate what their future might hold. But as the hours pass, the children begin to realize that what they’re trying to escape is also what binds them together most deeply. (BlackStar)

In 2023, Myriam Charles gave a beautiful interview to The Criterion Collection about her feature-length film, Cette Maison (2022), where she explained the impact of Haitian storytelling on her art.

I would say that [this tendency] also comes from Haitian culture. Somebody will tell you a story from their daily life, but they will take so many detours along the way that sometimes you just want them to get to the point! But I realized that I’m exactly like that in my filmmaking. I go around and repeat many things. It’s not to find some kind of truth, but because the act of repeating is a very cathartic way to tell a story. I would say that is my main influence. (The Criterion Collection)

The times are not easy for Haitians; no time has ever been easy for Haitians. Haitian art remains a beacon throughout that, reminding us that we are here, documenting our pain, our truths, and triumphs. Join us at BlackStar for some Haitian art.

Ticket Link to Black Zombie

Ticket Link to Treasure Island

Promo code: screeningpartner15

CALL TO ACTION

Leve Kanpe

Philadelphia, join the New Sanctuary Movement on Thursday, August 7 for a march to defend TPS. Senate Bill S. 4814, which would extend Haitian TPS for the next three years, has been successfully introduced on the Senate floor and is pending a vote. Call your senator, encourage others to do the same, and urge them to vote YES on Senate Bill S. 4814. Join the New Sanctuary Movement this Thursday in a huge show of solidarity and remind your elected officials that this is what their electorate is calling for.

Haitians without active deportation orders have the right to a hearing before an immigration judge, and long-term TPS holders may have additional legal pathways available to them, including asylum. Seeking legal counsel is critical.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• What Happens When a Dancer Is Forced to Become a Refugee? ‘Born to Dance, Forced to Run’ Captures Life Under the Shadow of Deportation - Regine Jean Charles - Ms. Magazine

• «Les Haïtiens sont victimes d’une chasse aux immigrés aux États-Unis», dénonce l’écrivaine haïtienne Kettly Mars - RFI

• Where do preparations for the elections stand? | Ayibopost

• Fédia Laguerre et « Opération Dechoukaj » : l’album qui a accompagné la chute de Duvalier | Haïti Inter

• How deporting Haitian immigrants will affect America’s senior citizens | AP

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Tout moun se moun
Every person is a person

CHAY LA | Main Story

US Supreme Court Rules Against TPS Protections for Haitians

A day after Haiti’s valiant effort against Morocco and its exit from the World Cup stage, the US Supreme Court published its ruling, clearing the way for the Trump administration to terminate Temporary Protected Status for 350,000 Haitians and 6,000 Syrians. The high court’s decision hands the Secretary of Homeland Security absolute authority to revoke TPS, effectively eliminating any judicial oversight.

The litigation centered on two core arguments: that the Trump administration targeted these protections out of racial bias, and that it failed to follow TPS protocol, which requires a review of country conditions before renewal decisions are made. The Supreme Court dismissed the racial animus argument, citing insufficient evidence, and voted to allow the administration to rescind TPS for any group without judicial interference.

The ruling has significantly limited the capacity of immigration advocates and district judges to protect Haitians. District judges do retain the authority to rule on whether the Trump administration acted unconstitutionally in rescinding TPS, giving the plaintiffs' legal team a limited but real opportunity to bring a new case with stronger evidence of racial animus. The fight is not over, although it has experienced a major blow, and many people will lose the ability to work and possibly face deportation in the process. In the meantime, District Judge Reyes is still expected to issue a ruling on this TPS case, and until that happens, Haitians under TPS remain technically protected and permitted to work.

An end to the TPS designation is expected to trigger wide-ranging consequences for families who have planted roots across the country. Haitian organizers and lawyers have been holding webinars, meeting in person, and communicating on social media to provide the Haitian public with reliable information. Organizers held a National TPS Rally on July 9 with activations in Georgia, Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts, Washington DC, Florida, California, and Connecticut. Organizations active in Haiti are coordinating to provide information and resources to people who return to Haiti. For example, Ayiti Community Trust has developed a returnee guide to help people navigate being back in Haiti. Lakou Tanama has been providing emotional support to Haitians in the diaspora since late 2025 through culturally relevant healing circles.

In a press release, Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees declared the following,

We know this day is a very challenging one, but we have been preparing for this possibility, and we will continue to fight. People power and community power are the only things that will protect us. We must mobilize to protect each other and apply pressure for our communities to remain here with the rights and protections they deserve.

We will use every tool at our disposal to keep our people here. We will create true sanctuaries in practice, not just in theory, to protect us from harm. Our power lies in our collective strength. Source: Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees

Many business sectors where thousands of Haitians work will be interrupted by a sudden loss of workers. This includes nursing homes and healthcare facilities, manufacturing plants, and municipalities — particularly communities like Springfield, Ohio, where Haitian immigrants now account for one in four residents. Without TPS status, Haitians will be pushed to work under the table, exposing them to exploitation in the workplace.

The Trump administration has already dismantled TPS protections for 10 nations, a move impacting upward of one million people. Designations remain for only four countries — Lebanon, El Salvador, Sudan, and Ukraine — all of which are scheduled to elapse later this year.

A vast majority of TPS recipients have been living in the United States for decades. Should the Trump administration move forward as planned, all beneficiaries would lose legal residency and work authorization, directly exposing them to the Trump administration’s expanded federal deportation enforcement targeting undocumented immigrants.

POLITIK POLEMIK

Over the past several weeks, Prime Minister Fils Aimé, the provisional electoral council (CEP), and political parties had been in gridlock over the planning and rollout of the promised national elections. During the month of May, Fils Aimé changed the electoral decree and established a director role on top of the CEP to report directly to him. This power-grabbing move was initially met with protests from the CEP members and political parties, because, under the Haitian constitution, the CEP is supposed to remain independent. Fils Aimé ultimately succeeded in installing the new director general. Following this move, the Prime Minister negotiated with the CEP and some political parties to revise certain articles of the existing electoral decree. Instead of publishing a new electoral decree in the official newspaper, le Moniteur, only the revised articles were made public, a choice that many have criticized for its deviation from the norm. Among the changes, the revised articles extended the registration period for political parties. Voter registration was also announced to start Monday, July 20, for 90 days, set to take place around the country except in the West Department, where gangs hold most control.

KILTIRÈL

Dancing in the Shadows of Empire

Haiti’s historic participation in the 2026 World Cup has brought Haitians together in a remarkable way. It has driven us to refresh our collective memory on Haiti and football and declare on the world’s stage what it means to be Haitian. As an older nation compared to others from the global south, we might not grasp the important role spaces like the World Cup played in nation-building for countries that gained their independence in the 20th century. But Haiti’s return to the World Cup after 52 years and the opportunity to rally around a group of Haitian men, many of whom were not born in Haiti, has been an exercise in Haitian idea formation for many. A handful of Haiti’s football players have returned to Haiti, where the public has warmly expressed their love, joy, and gratitude for representing us on football’s biggest stage.

As with all the international institutions led by politicians and elites, we have engaged with the World Cup knowing full well that it is a tool for propaganda and corruption. And yet, we have come away feeling heartened and proud. Author Mawon Anndi Èzli examines these conflicting dynamics in an article published in collaboration with Africa Is A Country, titled "Dancing in the Shadows of Empire." In the piece, Mawon interrogates the current political landscape:

To read the full article, click here.

Woy’s coverage of the 2026 World Cup also features two articles by Ian Rolf. In“Defying Expectations Is a Haitian Specialty”, Rolf reflects on Haiti’s historic World Cup run, diving into the team’s politics and accomplishments on the field.

Rolf also took to the pen to offer his take on the complicated relationship Haitians share with soccer, examining how a deep love for the game persists amid severe social, economic, and political collapse in “How Do You Enjoy the Beautiful Game When You Can’t Have Nice Things?”

Read both full pieces now on our website.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Enfants d’Haïti : Les blessures invisibles de la violence - Nancy Roc - Alterpresse

• Citing unpunished sex abuse, rights groups urge halt to Sri Lankan troops Haiti deployment - Jacqueline Charles - Miami Herald

• My 2 Gouden on Haitian Weddings by Regine Theodat

• Chile probes entry of Haitian children under family reunification - 1470 & 100.3 WMBD

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Souke tèt pa pase kou
Shaking your head won’t break your neck
(Haitian proverb)

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to challenge you to reflect on and discover the spirit and poetry of the proverb for yourself. Did you understand today’s proverb?

CHAY LA | Main Story

The story at the center of this issue

Pa manyen TPS La

Representatives from organizations such as UndocuBlack, Haitian Bridge Alliance, Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees, and the National TPS Alliance rallied in front of the Supreme Court building on April 29 while the court heard oral arguments regarding the termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haiti and Syria. The proceedings focused on two primary legal questions: whether the decision to end these protections was fueled by racism and whether the former Secretary of Homeland Security, Kristi Noem, adhered to the required administrative procedures for ending them. At stake is the potential mass deportation of thousands of individuals currently residing legally in the U.S. under the program.

The rally also featured performances by Haitian artists, Paul Beaubrun and Sherlee Skai.

“The true reason for the termination [of TPS status] is the president’s racial animus toward non-white immigrants and bare dislike of Haitians in particular,” Pipoly said. “The secretary herself described people from Haiti” and from other non-white countries as “killers, leeches, saying, ‘We don’t want them, not one,’” while “simultaneously enacting another humanitarian form of relief for white and only white South Africans.” (Source: NPR)

Ninaj Raoul, former director of Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees, explained that while this hearing concerns the 350,000 currently protected under TPS, the fight will have to continue to defend the 150,000 whose TPS applications were simply never processed by the Trump administration, effectively terminating their status before legal challenges could intervene.

POLITIK/POLEMIK

The latest from Haiti's political landscape: conflicts, scandals, moves worth watching

Protests in Okap for Dignity

People in Okap have long been fed up with the neglect they have endured, particularly those living on the outskirts of the city near the Vètyè monument, where the road has been flooded for months.

Starting in Vètyè on April 28 and expanding across the city the following two days, residents blocked major roads to demand immediate infrastructure repairs, including road construction and canal clean-ups to prevent flooding. In response, the Minister of Environment, who was in Okap last week, returned, along with three other ministers, with the mission this time to evaluate the city’s needs and provide solutions. They joined the crowd of protestors and were met with chants of “Mare vole yo pou mwen,” which translates to “Help me catch the thieves.”

Waste management is a persistent challenge for Okap's local authorities, whose new mayor, Angie Bell, was sworn in in 2025. Mayor Bell has been vocal about the lack of support from the central government in waste management. The situation has sparked a debate over the social contract between the state and its citizens, specifically regarding the government’s failure to provide essential services, and the civic duty to pay taxes. The protests have also fueled long-standing criticism of the central government’s “predatory” economic reliance on hubs like Okap.

ANN REFLECHI | LET’S REFLECT

Let’s zoom out and analyze. What do the latest events tell us about the Haiti we’re building toward?

Beyond Bombs & Prisons

In the last newsletter, we discussed what transitional justice (TJ) is, Haiti’s experience with it, and the work of Haitian civil society organizations to educate the public about it. In this newsletter, we’ll continue by highlighting how some Haitians are currently engaging with TJ, some enthusiastically and others with caution. But first, its critiques. The main critiques of transitional justice center on its human rights foundation, specifically: (1) that the human rights framework is Western and doesn’t draw on other cultures, (2) human rights prioritizes civil and political rights over the right to economic well-being, and (3) it centers the individual over the community. In view of these limitations, to what extent can transitional justice work in non-Western countries? Is this yet another foreign imposition that doesn’t fit into the Haitian context?

A group called Mouvement pour la Vérité, la Justice, la Réparation et la Sécurité, led by activist Nixon Boumba, draws on the Guatemalan model to offer recommendations for Haiti. Boumba is careful to distinguish his work from transitional justice as a framework, preferring instead to speak of transformation and justice. Below is a condensed version of our conversation. We had a chance to speak to him about it. Below is a revised/condensed version of his reflections.

Woy Magazine: How were you introduced to transitional justice, and how has your learning process led you to adapt some of its mechanisms?

Boumba: I don’t really consider what I’m proposing to be transitional justice, but I have traveled to Guatemala many times over the years. I found similarities between our situation and theirs. I also have a very good Guatemalan friend who shared their personal experience with me. Our everyday lives have become criminalized in so many ways. We would like to understand why that is the case. Guatemalans lived with extremely high levels of violence for several years as well. They want us to believe that the only options are to send an army to kill all those in the gangs, when we know violence is a trap. Another option we’ve been given is dialogue with the gangs to achieve amnesty for the perpetrators, which is another trap. In reality, the gangs play the role that the army used to play on behalf of the state. The problem isn’t the gangs, it’s the impunity that covers those in government. We’re seeking the truth that can help us get from a justice that is captured to a justice that is free.

What’s interesting about the Guatemalan case is that the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) conducted investigations that led to the dismantling of criminal networks. We need a similar approach.

Woy Magazine: What transitional justice proposal do you have for this current crisis?

Boumba: First, we have made an observation that the gangs aren’t the root of the problem, but rather the fusion between the state and criminality. We need to understand how this happens.

Second, we need an independent commission to investigate and provide an X-ray of this fusion between the state and criminal networks. We need to know how the police are involved. A full vetting of the justice sector is necessary, as is vetting of other government agencies, such as customs and the national pensions agency (ONA). Guatemala’s commission was backed by the US and the UN. The commission we think Haiti needs shouldn’t be backed by those actors. That’s an important difference.

Third, we need a special court of judges, chosen from among existing judges who are not corrupt, and it can include civilians as well. Revealing the truth is very important, but so is paying for the harms committed. For instance, politicians found guilty by the special court need to pay with real consequences. I’m not talking about a few months in jail. They need to be banished from running for public office forever. Business leaders found to be working with the gangs need to be excluded from certain opportunities.

We need to create a system where investments can be made into neighborhoods destroyed by the violence. Some of the funds for these investments can come from those who got rich from this criminality. The investigation should allow us to track the money and make them return it to the Haitian people. Major investments in education, health, infrastructure, and water are needed. We need to rebuild schools, Lopital Jeneral, and community centers — and the funding should come from those responsible, not from USAID or foreign donors. Dialogue with the victims of these crimes and repair is very important.

Last, we need to break Haiti’s isolation. Haiti's recent decision to collaborate with Mexico and Colombia on these regional issues is a step in the right direction. We propose establishing a Latin American and Caribbean coalition among countries to address transnational organized crime and other issues. This coalition would work together to set up mechanisms of control and surveillance to counter drug trafficking, arms trafficking, forced displacement, and human trafficking. This body could represent a unified force capable of standing up to the United States.

KILTIRÈL

Culture, art, tradition, and the Haitian imagination

Premye Me

May 1st is Labor and Agriculture Day in Haiti, serving as both a celebration of the country’s workforce and a moment to reflect on its agrarian roots.

The day carries particular significance for practitioners of Vodou, who honor Kouzen Zaka (Azaka Mede), the patron lwa of agriculture. Often depicted as a hardworking peasant carrying a dyakout and wearing a denim shirt and straw hat, Zaka embodies the resilience of the Haitian farmer.

On this day, altars are adorned with the fruits of the harvest, corn, yams, and coffee, as devotees offer prayers for fertile land and protection of the food supply.

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Tout kòd gen de bout
Every rope has two ends
(Haitian proverb)

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to challenge you to reflect on and discover the spirit and poetry of the proverb for yourself. Did you understand today’s proverb?

CHAY LA | Main Story

Tragedy at the Citadel

On Saturday, April 11, a tragic crowd surge occurred at the Citadel during an unauthorized gathering, leading to the death of 25 people and many injuries. While the site is a popular destination during the week leading up to Easter, a tradition rooted in King Henri Christophe’s reign, an unusually large crowd assembled that Saturday, resulting in severe overcrowding. According to witnesses, the situation escalated as the sheer volume of people caused shoving and trampling, with some individuals even falling into nearby canals.

This tragedy appears to have been caused by a bottleneck at a single door, where people trying to enter and exit simultaneously became trapped. Joseph Wesner, the Mayor of Milot, stated that local authorities intervened once the severity of the situation became clear, though the Civil Protection agency noted the event had not been officially approved.

This tragic loss of life at the Citadel, our most iconic post-revolutionary rampart, is the consequence of poor governance by both central and local officials. It is the literal manifestation of our country’s demise and its abstraction.

What role should sites like the Citadel play in Haitian society today, and what duty do we have to them and to each other as we interact with them, even as the government is abdicating its responsibility?

These are the questions individual citizens and organizations devoted to preserving Haitian heritage, history, and culture should be posing. These spaces are too important to leave management solely to the government, which has proven incompetent and negligent. This tragedy also highlights the failure to offer spaces and opportunities for young people in Haiti, leaving them to gather in spaces with no safeguards. This is why today, yet again, dozens of families are mourning the loss of their babies.

BAN M ON TI LIMYÈ | EXPLAINER

What does Ayana Pressley’s discharge petition really mean?

On March 27, 2026, a discharge petition spearheaded by Rep. Ayanna Pressley, which would legally compel DHS to extend Haiti's Temporary Protected Status (TPS) until January 20, 2029, reached the required 218 signatures.

After securing those signatures with the help of four Republicans, the discharge petition itself passed in a procedural vote of 220-207 on April 15, and on April 16, 2026, the U.S. House of Representatives passed Pressley's bill in a final vote of 224-204.

What is a discharge petition?

“The discharge petition allows an absolute majority of the House of Representatives (218 lawmakers) to force a floor vote on a bill, even if the leadership, who usually controls what legislation makes it to the floor, is opposed. The opposition party can, in theory, use the technique to hijack the legislative agenda on an issue that divides the majority.” (Source: Washington Post)

So wait… is TPS extended now?

Well, no. There are a few more steps before a bill becomes a law. In order for this vote to have any effect on Haitian TPS recipients, it would have to pass the Senate, which is controlled by Republicans. And from there, it would need to advance to being signed by Trump, who has already promised to veto this bill. Congress can technically override a veto with two-thirds of both chambers, but imagining such a reality is an exercise in futility.

So what’s the point?

While all of this is happening, the TPS case (Miot vs. Trump) heads to the Supreme Court on April 29. With this petition, Ayanna Pressley has established a clear congressional consensus on TPS for Haitians and forced lawmakers to put their stance on the record. When reelection time rolls around, this will be remembered. However, for the lived reality of the Haitians who live and work legally because of TPS, this victory is largely symbolic. And as politicians continue to strategize, don't let the applause distract you from the fact that 350,000 people are still waiting.

ANN REFLECHI | LET’S REFLECT

Beyond Bombs & Prisons

Haitians are increasingly looking toward transitional justice as a viable framework for pursuing truth and accountability within the country. In public discourse, cases such as the Gacaca courts in Rwanda and the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation (TJR) process in South Africa are often cited as models to learn from. In fact, the last transitional government said it would create a Truth, Justice, and Reparations Commission, but it never saw the light of day.

Transitional Justice is a framework and a set of practices used by nations to address past violence by emphasizing bringing to light the truth of the harms committed and prosecuting the perpetrators. This is often done through a truth commission that conducts an investigation and specialized courts.

The apparent dysfunction of our justice system, the lack of public trust in the state institutions, and concrete examples from other countries make transitional justice mechanisms a compelling set of tools for Haitians. The cases from other countries offer a wealth of strategies from which Haitians can draw, reminding us that Haiti is not alone in its issues, but it is connected to the world.

Yet, transitional justice isn’t new to Haiti. Isabelle Clerié details this history in an article titled Leveraging the Power of the People. President Jean-Bertrand Aristide established a truth commission to investigate the crimes under Raoul Cedras (1991 - 1994). Those three years were marked by killings and systematic rape. The investigation by the commission ultimately led to the landmark trial of the Massacre of Raboteau that condemned many of the perpetrators to life in prison and others in absentia. Five years later, these sentences were eventually overturned. Survivors of the Duvalier regime sought justice through transitional mechanisms, yet the then-Haitian government, led by Martelly, refused to hold Duvalier accountable when he returned to the country.

Organizations like Collectif Contrel’Impunité and the Fondation Devoir de Mémoire Haïti (FDDMH) have worked to educate Haitians about abuses done under the Duvalier regime and disseminate information on past transitional justice efforts. They have tried to equip civil society organizations, students, and survivors of violence with the tools transitional justice offers, with a focus on the centrality of civil society organizations in these mechanisms.

Just as robust civil society leadership is essential, particularly in engaging the public to gather testimonies of abuses, strong political will is also vital for transitional justice mechanisms to yield truth and justice. That is clear in the Haitian examples mentioned above. Haitians have so much to learn and draw from in their own experiences with these processes. We must understand the failures and gains from these local cases. One important factor is the vital role the diaspora played in creating the 1995 Truth Commission. The efforts of organizations and activists in transitional justice led to the launching of a national strategy for transitional justice in 2019, a key reference document that,

proposes a concerted data collection and inventory process in the form of archiving and mapping of violations. These two things can lead to any number of applied research initiatives such as understanding the economic impact of the dictatorship on the peasantry to design a reparations program. Similarly, a mapping process could serve as the basis for more targeted interventions throughout the country with respect to the historic struggles of communities, both geographical and demographic such as women and children. Source: Journal of International Organization Studies

In the coming newsletters, we will discuss how some organizations are engaging with transitional justice models implemented in other countries to inform their recommendations for Haiti.

KILTIRÈL

Ariana in Haiti!

In Haiti this week, huge crowds have been celebrating the arrival of Ariana Lafond, the 19-year-old winner of House of Challenge. House of Challenge is a reality television competition held in Lomé, Togo. In a few weeks, Ariana managed to win the hearts of people around the world, garner a huge TikTok following, and claim the winning title of House of Challenge 2026. Competitors from various countries were tasked with presenting social projects on behalf of their countries. Ariana’s project centered on youth opportunity and nutrition. The show also featured dance and trivia challenges.

Ariana’s victorious return to Haiti has been a carnival-level celebration from city to city, with many young people seeing Ariana’s victory and her call for peace as a sign of hopeful change for the country.

Lisette quitté la plaine

The song “Lisette quitté la plaine” features the earliest known lyrics written in Haitian Creole (1757) and has been revisited by Haitian, European, and American composers across the 19th and 20th centuries. The song tells the story of an enslaved man mourning the loss of his love, Lisette. One theory is that Lisette has been sold. The man describes his despair.

Lisette quitté la plaine,
Mon perdi bonher à moué
Gié à moin semblé fontaine
Dipi mon pas miré toué.

Since 2021, through the Lisette Project, Dr. Jean Bernard Cerin has explored the song’s global migration and political legacy, performing five distinct versions in a documentary film, lectures, and live shows. The latest installment in this multimedia project on Lisette is an album titled Lisette: A Song’s Journey from Haiti & Back, which is now available on all streaming platforms. The album explores different versions of the song, puts it in conversation with “rediscovered arias, anthem parodies, folk songs, and solo-piano pieces,” and culminates with a new iteration of the story called “Lizèt fò n kite laplèn” set in present-day La Plaine du Cup de Sac. This time, the protagonist urges Lisette to leave the plain together, because it is no longer safe.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• La dette de sang: de la complicité à la rédemption des élites et de l’État - Reginald Surin | Le Nouvelliste

• On collaging, memory making, and dreaming: A Q&A with Lunise Cerin

• Dual Citizen World Premier: Documentary

• The Chiefs Who Grew Wings: On Taíno Cosmology and the Stories We Carry by Régine Théodat

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Gade pa boule je
Looking doesn’t burn the eye
(Haitian proverb)

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally to challenge you to discover the spirit of the proverb for yourself. Did you understand today’s proverb?

Editor’s Note

Nancy Metayer’s Light Shines

There are women in this world that I like to describe as balls of light. They’re the kind of people whose warmth and energy are undeniable, even from a distance. The light shows up in the way they hold a conversation, the way they move through their work, the way they walk into a room. It isn’t quantifiable, but I’m as sure of it as I am of anything else. I’ve been lucky enough to meet one every so often. I never met Nancy Metayer, but the first photo of hers I saw and every testimony about her I’ve read assure me she belongs to this group of women.

The news of Nancy Metayer’s death has been sitting on my chest for the last week. It’s a lot to hold — the constant violence we experience at the hands of this world as Haitians, as Black people. And as we claw our way through this violent, racist world, the stories of women and girls hurt along the way stop us in our tracks. And we remember: the violence is layered and has seeped its way deep into the souls of people we attempt to build community and family with, the very people we sought refuge with from the violence outside. I’ve been sitting with that thought all week.

Nancy’s life was stolen a few days before April 3, National Day of the Haitian Women’s Movement. This day marked the 40th anniversary of one of the most important protests Haitian women organized throughout the country in 1986, after the fall of Duvalier. The march was one action born of a cross-class coalition to denounce violence, discrimination, and exclusion. Nancy’s life and work are a part of this legacy, and Nancy’s death is a call to go harder.

In Haiti, feminicide has no legal recognition as a crime, rendering murders of women statistically and politically invisible. In 72% of documented cases, the perpetrator was a current or former partner, the violence an open secret that was rarely reported or addressed. How sobering that such cruelty would follow us even in the dyaspora, in the place where our parents fought to give us a better life. How sobering, too, that while we fight the systems that seek to exploit and destroy us, there are forces that seek to destroy us in the safety of our homes.

I didn't know Nancy, but I don't think she would've chosen to be a lesson in this way. The thing about light is that while it is warming, it is also exposing. It challenges us to be more truthful, to work harder, to be better. And Nancy, your light continues to shine through the work you laid the foundation for, and on the work that will continue after you.

May you find rest, Nancy, among your ancestors, in the arms of a konbit of Haitian mamas, tatis, and marenn who came before you and fought for your people as you did.

Talie
Editor, April 2026

POLITIK/POLEMIK

Beyond Bombs and Prisons

A report published by Fondasyon Je Klere (FJKL) in March condemned a series of contracts signed by the Fils-Aimé administration, including one to build and manage three prisons in Haiti. The terms of the contract were so disadvantageous to Haiti that FJKL characterized this agreement as an abdication of national sovereignty.

We have since learned, according to Le Nouvelliste, that Lakoudèkont opposed the contracts when they came up for review before this high court of auditors, forcing the government to abandon them. This outcome demonstrates that civil society organizations committed to sounding the alarm and accountability do have an impact on the decisions of these unelected leaders.

The government has, however, moved on to find other contracts to build prisons by the end of the year. With the gradual departure of the Kenyan police and the staggered arrival of troops from Chad, Fils-Aimé’s government’s plan for elections consists of maintaining UN troop presence and throwing people in these new jails that don’t yet exist. All of this in a context where courts in Pòtoprens and Taba have not held criminal proceedings with juries regarding crimes like murder and rape in eight years.

And yet, even if Haiti had a ruthless police force or army, ample prisons, and functioning courts, the reality of state brutality and mass incarceration hold no real solutions for the Haitian people. The failures of these systems worldwide prove that a similar infrastructure would only exacerbate the root causes of inequality, state abandonment, and elite collusion at the heart of this crisis.

What kinds of systems do we build for a sustainable Haiti? Given that the total elimination or indefinite detention of gang members is neither feasible nor ethical, what viable options do we have that center justice, truth, and healing?

According to an IRAP survey we referenced recently, while many respondents favored an escalation in security operations, more than half indicated an openness to formal government dialogue with gang leadership. This is a significant shift on the issue of negotiating with the gangs, which is often perceived as shameful because it is conflated with amnesty for the gangs in the public discourse.

According to the United Nations, the recruitment of children into these gangs is growing at an alarming rate, as these criminal organizations increasingly exploit vulnerable youth who lack access to food and basic services. These children are being driven into gangs by systemic poverty, lack of education, and extreme economic hardship. In 2025 alone, the number of children used by armed groups in Haiti surged by an estimated 200%, according to UNICEF.

What mechanisms can be put in place to provide these children with resources, care, and opportunities? Over the next few newsletters, we will explore what strategies Haitians and their institutions are exploring to address this crisis and rebuild.

MIGRASYON

TPS Update

Such progress is rarely accidental — it is the hard-won result of strategic intervention by activists and organizers. These advocates work within the halls of power to influence decision-makers and secure protections that might otherwise be overlooked.

Organizations like Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees, Family Action Network Movement in Florida, and the Haitian Refugee Center in Miami have been leading the fight to protect and support Haitian immigrants and their rights in the United States.

The history of principled organizing on behalf of Haitian migrants in the United States was recounted in a recent piece by Woy Editor Talie, writing for Hammer & Hope.

Ninaj Raoul, co-founder of Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees and its executive director for 33 years, sees the current upheaval in decades of context. “Haitians have always been under attack,” she said.

Raoul looks to the history of the Haitian Refugee Center in Miami, led by Father Gérard Jean-Juste, and Haitian resistance in the 1970s, during the earliest wave of Haitians’ arriving to the United States by boat, attempting to flee the brutal dictatorship of Jean-Claude Duvalier. Haitians who arrived on U.S. shores were designated as economic refugees, not political ones, making them ineligible for asylum. Activists, including Jean-Juste, fought this categorization. This struggle “wasn’t new when we started, and it’s not new now for us,” Raoul told me. (Source: Hammer & Hope)

The Supreme Court is set to hear oral arguments in late April 2026, with a ruling expected by July that will determine whether the Trump administration has the authority to terminate Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for hundreds of thousands of Haitian and Syrian immigrants.

The outcome of this case carries major implications for thousands of Haitians who have been legally living and working in the U.S. for years. For the time being, USCIS has extended employment authorization for Haitian TPS holders to July 1, 2026.

Sponsored by Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.), a discharge petition for a resolution that would force the Trump administration to extend TPS legal protections for Haitians reached the floor of the House of Representatives on Friday, March 27. If passed, the resolution would legally require the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to maintain Haiti’s TPS through January 20, 2029.

The push for this petition was led by several prominent figures and advocacy groups, including Boston City Council President Ruthzee Louijeune. Organizations like the Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti (IJDH) played a central role by organizing large-scale phone banks. These efforts provided supporters with specific scripts to use when contacting their congressional representatives, urging them to officially sign on to the discharge petition.

ON THIS DAY

National Day of the Haitian Women’s Movement

April 3rd is the National Day of the Haitian Women’s Movement. On this day, activists and feminist groups commemorate one of the most important protests Haitian women organized throughout the country in 1986, after the fall of Duvalier.

This protest is considered a pivotal moment where women’s organizations that had been working in the shadows against the Duvalier regime officially revealed themselves in the public sphere. This is how sociologist Dr. Sabine Lamour, describes this landmark event:

“Les 30,000 femmes manifestant à Port-au-Prince avaient une revendication commune : la participation des femmes à la gestion de la chose publique dans uncontexte où l’espace public est aussi organisé en fonction des rapports de pouvoir entre les sexes (CONAP 2008; Magloire et Merlet 1996; Neptune Anglade 1986).

Ces 30 000 femmes ont manifesté à Port-au-Prince, et des centaines d’autres ont manifesté dans d’autres villes secondaires du pays, par exemple à Cap-Haïtien (Le Cap)”. (Source: Mouka)

Ten years after the 86 march, in an interview with Radio Haiti, two of the instigators of the demonstration — Daniele Magloire and Myriam Merlet — described the popular nature of the protest with demands to be involved in the writing of the new constitution and demands for good working conditions.

This year, to mark the 40th anniversary of this important day, Haitian women in Okap and Pòtoprens marched again to denounce violence against women and demand that their voices be heard.

KILTIRÈL

Rara season has come to a close in Haiti with the arrival of Easter Sunday. This centuries-old tradition of street procession and musical performance draws from the spiritual practices of our African and Taino ancestors.

There is much confusion when it comes to retracing the history of Rara. According to some, such as Harold Courlander, Moreau de St. Rémy and Jean-Baptiste Roumain, Rara traces back to Africa and was adopted in Haiti through slavery. However, according to others, Rara is a colonial heritage, given to the colonies as a recreational day. Jean Coulanges says Rara “comes from the times of the indigenous peoples of the Americas, where the Mayans had a day of pleasure dedicated to nature.”

The word “Rara” comes from the Yoruba language (meaning, “loud” or “a lot of noise”). We have known rara from the beginning of colonial times. It calls upon the principles of the religious African kingdom of Congo which prospered during the 14th and 15th centuries. It wields specifically the spiritual power of “Petwo” (the aggressive side of Vodou) and “Bizango” (the secret societies). However, well before Christopher Columbus arrived and killed 250,000 Tainos that were living on the island, the indigenous people of the island held festivals that strongly resemble what we celebrate as rara today. Source: Woy Magazine

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Ti pwason swiv kouran
The little fish follows the current

CHAY LA | Main Story

Drone Strikes

Recent reports by Human Rights Watch (HRW) bring the human cost of drone strikes into sharp relief. According to HRW, as of March 10, at least 1,243 people have been killed by explosive drone strikes, including 17 children. Beyond the fatalities, the strikes have left 738 people wounded.

Initial reports of these illegal drone operations first emerged a year ago, and risks to civilians were raised early on, particularly as gangs were encouraging people to return to homes they had been driven out of. The use of drones is part of a contract signed between the Haitian transitional government and a firm led by Erik Prince, founder of Blackwater.

Woy Magazine spoke with the director of a 650-student school in Site Solèy to better understand the impact of drone strikes on the community. Below are the director's insights into the unfolding crisis, edited for length and clarity.

Q: You’ve been alerting the authorities and the greater public of the indiscriminate use of drones in Site Solèy since mid-January 2026. Tell us about this escalation in drone use and how it affects the community you serve and the ability of your school to function.

A: For several months, we’ve been living through a tragic and chaotic situation because of the drones. The government planned to deploy them like this, and these drones are a nightmare for us because no one is spared. We all know Site Solèy and other areas are controlled by armed men, but from my perspective, they mostly hit civilians. I’ve seen it because I’m here everyday. When they drop them they do so in the middle of a crowd.

Sometimes the gangs organize events; parties called car washes or other events with music, providing water for folks to bathe. I don’t go but kids in the area who don’t have access to recreational activities attend these events. Police have elected to conduct drone operations during these events based on the logic that if you are attending events organized by the gangs—you’re not innocent. I think that’s absurd and it’s a crime. The armed men know how to protect themselves, but the civilians don’t. That’s why women and young children are often victims.

There are things that happen in Site Solèy that journalists don’t talk about. They might know it happens but they don’t report it. For instance, when the police carry out their operations, instances of extreme violence take place but they don’t report them.

In addition to the gangs fighting within Site Solèy, we are dealing with difficulties tied to poverty, hunger and poor infrastructure. We have been dealing with these issues for years. The municipality of Site Solèy has been abandoned. There is no state presence here. It’s been three years since I’ve seen the presence of police or of the state.

Q: This past week, reports by organizations like Human Rights Watch have estimated over 1,000 people have been killed by drones. Tell us how the drones have affected you and your community.

A: At some point we realized that everyone in Site Solèy is considered a criminal. There are no innocent people in Lasalin, no innoncent people in Waf Jeremi, no innocents in Fontèn. If you live in the Viv Ansanm areas you are not innocent. But a mother struggling to feed her kids in Site Solèy can’t afford to go rent a room in Petyonvil. If people had other viable options they would leave.

We’ve been worried that they might drop a drone on one of our schools, because a school in Delmas 6 was hit— supposedly because the school was owned by BBQ but that wasn’t true. When a school like that is destroyed, you deprive the most vulnerable children of an education and you leave them in the streets. BBQ’s kids didn’t go to that school… BBQ’s kids would have the protection of the government to attend a rich school.

I’ve written a letter to an embassy to spread my message, and I’m not against the police operations. We suffer from the insecurity. When there is gunfire we can’t go out. Kids can’t come to school and neither can the teachers. But the police should conduct operations in such a way that protects life and protects property.

When I realized that they were destroying more than they were protecting, I had to take a stand. I contacted different folks to advise vigilance, citing the recent drone strike on the school in Delmas 6 as proof that Site Solèy could be next.

We all know drones are controlled. So, I am calling on both the government and human rights organizations, urging them to prioritize caution and civilian safety. Because how could you see a crowd, a bann rara, or an event and drop a bomb on all of the attendees? Sometimes, I think that maybe the government has a strategy to displace us in the ghettos — we who are the most poor, and most humiliated. Maybe they need the space/the land to invest.

The people of Site Solèy would collaborate with the police against the gangs if the operations were well orchestrated. But drones aren’t the solution. With that said, I am not speaking without risk but whenever there’s an opportunity for me to speak out, I will take it as long as I haven’t been killed. Thank you for the platform to voice these concerns for the community.

ON THIS DAY

International Women’s Day

March 8 was International Women’s Day. Haitian feminist organizations like Solidarite Fanm Ayisyen (SOFA), which just celebrated its 40th anniversary, are the main actors offering services and resources to Haitian women, including support for survivors of gender-based violence and reproductive health services.

There is much to be done to advance women’s rights in Haiti, which SOFA’s current Secretary-General, Berthanie Belony, describes as being under constant threat, with hard-won gains being inherently fragile and easily reversed. The lack of legal progress on abortion decriminalization and the chronic underfunding of women-led initiatives are just a few of the major hurdles.

For decades, a coalition of feminist organizations has led a relentless push for transformative policy changes, including the long-contested right to abortion. While a landmark penal code, the first update since 1835, was set to finally decriminalize abortion, its implementation was suspended indefinitely in December 2025 by the Transitional Presidential Council (CPT). Because they have no legitimacy, our transitional leaders feel compelled to punt on our rights. Gains like decriminalizing abortion are hard-won in law and can easily become political pawns.

In an interview with Woy Magazine in 2022, Dr. Sabine Lamour, then-Director of SOFA, explained the complex relationship between the civil society organizations pushing for abortion rights and President Jovenel Moïse’s administration on the issue. In her view, Haitian feminist organizations’ push for legal abortion is “tied to an overall political action aimed at offering women respectful healthcare.”

Dr. Lamour explained that when Moïse adopted the decree it “short-circuited the whole logic of what the fight was about. He was grandstanding with a demand, but separate from all the other claims that the women’s groups were making. It’s as if he disqualified all the actions we were taking based on an understanding of the problem from a structural perspective on access to sexual and reproductive health care, and abortion was among a set of other demands like access to contraception and gynecological care in general.”

To Haitian feminist activists, the fight for reproductive rights is not an isolated one from the overall social political context of the country. The change in the penal code toward abortion in the latest iteration of the penal code is due to work by feminist groups, Dr. Kenny Moise explains in a 2016 article for Woy Magazine:

“Fortunately, in the last five years, the Ministry of Health has debated this subject with several social groups in order to allow abortion with the full consent of the women and appropriate medical care. This is one step forward in the modernization of women’s health in Haiti. In fact, on January 2016, a presidential commission presented a preliminary draft of the new Haitian penal code in which abortion is decriminalized, but there is still a long way to go before it is voted by both chambers of the parliament and adopted.” (Source: Woy Magazine)

The push to decriminalize abortion by feminist organizations dates back to the work of Solidarite Fanm Ayisyen (SOFA) in 1988. According to Dr. Lise Marie Dejean, pioneer reproductive rights activist and former Minister of Women's Affairs in Haiti, SOFA members became aware that a number of women and girls were being sterilized at the General Hospital in Pòtoprens. After conducting an investigation, they discovered that the sterilizations stemmed from complications from unsafe abortions. At the time, SOFA belonged to a network of Latin American women's organizations, and after participating in a conference in Argentina in 1992, launched a campaign to decriminalize abortion in Haiti.

POLITIK\POLEMIK

Dyaspora Elections?

The Haitian government announced this week its intention to allow Haitians in the diaspora to vote in the upcoming elections set for August 30, 2026. This is a major announcement since the diaspora has never before had the opportunity to participate in Haitian elections. But is it real?

Haitians in the diaspora are excited for the opportunity to participate in the electoral process. The law is at least partially on their side; analysts have pointed out inconsistencies in the promises for diaspora participation in any upcoming elections. Articles 407 and 408 of the Electoral Decree published in 2025 establish the right for qualified Haitians living abroad to vote in presidential elections, with specific locations and procedures to be defined by the electoral council. However, as of March 2026, these necessary regulations have still not been released.

Furthermore, under Articles 54 and 55, voter registration is strictly limited to locations within Haiti's national territory, managed by the Office National d’Identification. This domestic focus effectively excludes any mechanism for overseas registration. Despite the clear potential to establish registration points at embassies or consulates, the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) deliberately omitted such provisions from the decree, a choice that appears to be a calculated exclusion rather than a simple oversight.

Time is also a primary obstacle. With the first round of elections scheduled for August 30, 2026, it is highly improbable that the administrative framework needed to register millions of Haitians at home and abroad can be established by the legal deadline of June 30, 2026. Even assuming the CEP and the transitional government are acting in good faith, designing and launching such a massive operational infrastructure in less than four months is nearly impossible. Which leaves the question, what do they stand to gain by announcing this prospect?

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• A public health framework for reparations and generational healing in Haiti by

  Judite Blanc, Candice A. Sternberg, Anthony Q. Briggs, Ernest J. Barthélemy

• Dekrè sou laprès la revele entansyon kache gouvènman an - Ayibopost

• WE’RE HERE: HOW CHRISTY JOSEPH CAPTURED THE PRIDE, STRENGTH, AND PAIN OF THE HAITIAN DIASPORA

Welcome to the latest edition of Woy Magazine’s biweekly newsletter, providing you with must-know news and commentary on Haiti and our Diaspora.

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Bèf pa janm bouke pote kòn li 
A cow never grows tired of carrying its own horns
(Haitian proverb)

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to challenge you to reflect on and discover the spirit and poetry of the proverb for yourself. Did you understand today’s proverb?

CHAY LA | Main Story

What do Haitians think about elections?

In recent weeks, we have examined the geopolitical and partisan forces behind Prime Minister Alix Fils Aimé’s arrival at the head of Haiti’s executive branch. But what do Haitians, the very people Fils Aimé should be accountable to, think and recommend as a way forward? While the urgency to reestablish constitutional order and break the cycle of transitional governments is legitimate, what can elections held in a capital controlled by armed groups realistically promise the Haitian people?

On March 2, the CEP (Provisional Electoral Council) announced the start of a condensed registration period for political parties, running through March 12th, with plans to hold the first election round in August and any runoff in December.

This rapid timeline suggests the Fils-Aimé government intends to proceed with elections without major measures to ensure broader, safer participation, including for displaced Haitians and those living under gang control. The plan appears focused on securing key infrastructure, such as major roads and airports, while moving forward with voting despite the ongoing gang presence.

In a recent interview with the Associated Press, Haitian Chief of Police Vladimir Paraison said they have a plan that is “still in the kitchen and has not finished cooking yet." Unfortunately, holding elections under current conditions would all but guarantee victories for gang-supported candidates in municipalities like Kafou, Kwadèboukè, and Site Solèy, handing power directly to whoever is backing and financing those gangs.

Two recent studies offer insight into the views of everyday Haitians. According to the initial findings of a survey conducted in late 2025 by Institut de Recherche et d'Action pour la Paix (IRAP), 58% of respondents think elections should be postponed until the security situation improves. According to IRAP, which consulted internally displaced people, residents of gang-controlled neighborhoods, and armed actors, 46.5% of respondents prefer more aggressive action from security forces, compared to 28.6% who prefer dialogue with gangs, and 24.4% believe the government should pursue both.

It should be noted that support for security force interventions is not unconditional. Respondents are also deeply concerned about collateral damage, particularly from drone strikes. This is consistent with recent statements by community leaders in Site Solèy, who has raised serious concerns about the increase in government drone operations since mid-January. IRAP’s findings also revealed low confidence in the CPT, with 48% of respondents lacking faith in the justice system’s ability to deliver accountability. Civil society organizations, however, were seen as key to driving effective solutions.

Another recent public opinion poll by Aksyon Sitwayen Angaje (ASA), together with ProEco, suggests similar trends. According to ASA, 55.5% of respondents preferred delaying elections to holding flawed ones, with 95.4% insisting that security must be restored first. The data show a clear willingness to vote, with 57.6% expressing interest in participating in elections. However, people’s willingness to participate comes with conditions: the process must be secure, transparent, and trustworthy.

POLITIK/POLEMIK

Fils-Aimé’s Contracts

According to a report by human rights group Fondasyon Je Klere (FJKL), three questionable contracts were signed by the Fils-Aimé government last year, involving the construction and management of three new prisons (in Sous Matla, Fò Libète, and Jakmèl), security in Pòtoprens, and customs/immigration modernization.

These contracts essentially hand over key state functions to foreign private companies, raising concerns over a lack of transparency and protection of Haitian interests. Reports of the contract signed with Erik Prince on security, as well as the customs/immigration modernization contract, have been circulating since last year. In the report, FJKL denounces the corrupt manner in which the contracts were awarded, as well as the lack of security gains since Prince’s firm began working with the Haitian government. Details on the prison contracts, however, are more recent, and many of the terms are egregious — including a 50-year duration and a requirement to pay for a minimum 75% occupation of each prison building in service, even without detainees.

FJKL condemned the agreements as a scandal and an abdication of national sovereignty, calling for investigations by anti-corruption agencies and future parliamentary committees — particularly given that they were signed during an ongoing crisis by unelected politicians.

In the face of such blatant selling out of the country by Fils Aimé, political analyst Johnny Celestin urges Haitians not to back down.

Nevertheless, as citizens, we would only enable this government to act with even greater impunity by avoiding engagement with it. Our task is to find ways to hold it accountable and to preserve the dignity of Haitian citizenship. Source: Johnny’s Substack

Johnny’s Substack

The Fight for the Dignity of Our Citizenship

As I have written before, I do not expect much from the Fils-Aimé administration. The Prime Minister carried out what can only be described as a soft coup that few people anticipated. He now holds considerable, if not nearly all, power within the current political arrangement, and with that power came a rare opportunity. I have argued that if he were a …

Read more

6 months ago · 6 likes · Johnny Celestin

Migrasyon

Haitian man dies in ICE custody.

Emmanuel Damas, a Haitian asylum seeker, died in U.S. immigration detention after a treatable tooth infection worsened due to inadequate medical care, his family says. Held at Florence Correctional Facility in Arizona, he was denied timely treatment and visitation until his final days. Medical neglect in ICE facilities is an ongoing concern, with 32 deaths reported last year, the highest in over 20 years.

Trump aims to restrict remittances back to Haiti.

The Trump administration continues to target Haitian migrants and Haiti's economy by threatening to restrict remittances, with the Department of Homeland Security claiming U.S. dollars shouldn't subsidize foreign economies. Characterizing the hard-earned money Haitians send to loved ones back home as theft is both cynical and alarming. Whether or not Trump can actually do this, it is already creating stress for Haitians and energizing his anti-immigrant base. For Haitians in Haiti, where remittances are a lifeline, the consequences could be devastating.

Federal appeals court protects TPS for Haitians

A D.C. federal appeals court has blocked the Trump administration’s attempt to end Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for over 350,000 Haitians in the U.S., citing likely unlawful termination and severe consequences if deportations proceed.

The 2-1 ruling upholds protections, noting Haiti’s collapsing security and healthcare systems make return unsafe. The decision allows TPS holders to remain and work unless the Supreme Court intervenes. The Trump administration has since filed an emergency appeal, part of a broader effort to terminate TPS across multiple groups, including Haitians.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• « Un classique de l’histoire de l’art en Haïti » : Carlo Célius revient sur l’héritage intellectuel de Michel-Philippe Lerebours - Le Centre d’Art

• Haïti-Criminalité : Des avancées sécuritaires à Mirebalais? - Alterpresse

• Emergency Funding or Entrenched Dependency? The Politics of Aid in Haiti FCHLD

• The Problem Wasn't the Funeral Ritual. It was the Comment Section by Regine Theodat

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Alimèt pa pase de fwa
A match does not strike twice
(Haitian proverb)

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to challenge our readers to reflect on and discover the spirit and poetry of the proverb for themselves. Did you understand today’s proverb?

CHAY LA | Main Story

Comfortable Upon His Throne

Six weeks into the year, here is a reminder of what is at stake and what remains in limbo in Haitian politics:

Fils-Aimé has been installed with direct military support from the United States, following two years of a Presidential Transitional Council that failed to organize elections. The council itself was an unconventional measure put in place after the ousting of Ariel Henry, a de facto prime minister who also failed to hold elections. That period followed the assassination of Jovenel Moïse, who, before his death, was already governing beyond the constitutional timeline of his presidency. The power vacuum persists. Power passes like a hot potato between political actors, while the needs of the Haitian people continue to be ignored.

Following Alix Didier Fils Aimé’s controversial installation as Prime Minister two weeks ago, the central question remained whether he would consolidate power unilaterally or seek a broad consensus among political and civil society actors who, for the most part, supported an executive comprising both a prime minister and a president.

At first, the negotiations between political and civil society actors subsided. And then on Saturday, the press reported that an agreement called the Pacte National pour la Stabilite, et l’Organisation des Elections was being signed between Fils Aimé and various political parties. The draft of the agreement circulating online includes a number of key points, such as:

1. There is no clearly stated term limit for Fils-Aimé; his term ends with the election of a new president, however long that takes.

2. The right to propose changes to the constitution that would be voted on through a referendum

3. A consultative committee tasked with monitoring the government’s action plan, composed of representatives of the organizations that signed the pact (no checks on power).

The speed with which this agreement is being signed and its permissive articles don’t provide Fils Aime with the legitimacy that an agreement reached through broad consensus would offer. He is behaving as if he doesn’t believe he needs it. Fils-Aimé is clearly recycling Ariel Henry’s tactic—employing a performative strategy preferred by the international community.

If Fils-Aimé is content to lead with only US backing, he is poorly equipped for the battle ahead. What’s at stake is the security and dignity of Haitians. What’s at stake here are the prospects for finding ways to live together based on democratic principles.

Sociologist Jean Casimir highlights this consistent mistake among Haitian politicians: seeking and working for legitimacy from other countries rather than from the Haitian people. Casimir argues that, “behind the common confusion between the state and public administration lies a trap that prevents [Haitians] from learning from our society’s achievements and acknowledging its unmet demands.”

“Cette méprise aiguille notre recherche dans un sens qui porte préjudice à la cohésion nationale et à l’appréciation de nos compagnons de route. Nous nous concentrons sur nos relations avec l’extérieur et non sur les liens qui nous unissent en une totalité cohésive. Certains de nos penseurs estiment même que nous ne constituons pas une entité structurée, car nous ne nous insérons pas dans les catégories prévues par le monde moderne.” (Source: AyiboPost)

MIGRASYON

Beyond Trump

As the immigration crackdown in the U.S. takes center stage, mass deportation from the Dominican Republican is triggering a humanitarian crisis at the Wanament border with the DR. In 2025, an estimated 265,000 Haitians were deported from the DR, with over 12,000 Haitians deported in January 2026 alone — leaving local organizations at the border drowning under the weight of this influx of migrants.

The Platforme genre du Nord-Est (Pgne), which works on gender-based issues in the region, has called for a coordinated, state-led strategy, as current efforts cannot keep up with the high volume of returnees. They’ve also highlighted a disturbing trend of exploitation, where returned women are being lured into unsafe housing and subjected to assault and sexual abuse. Many of the returnees are subject to homelessness, theft, and abuse once they have arrived in Wanament, without food or shelter.

At the beginning of February, came the horrific news about four Haitian women recently deported from Puerto Rico, who were found decapitated on the border with the Dominican Republic. Groups in Puerto Rico are responding to this, demanding that the Government of Puerto Rico stop collaborating with DHS.

KILTIRÈL

Kanaval came to a close on Tuesday, February 17th, and celebrations marking the end of the season took place across the country in Okay, Okap, Fò Libète, Wanament, and more. Despite the current climate, Haitians took to the streets and danced for three nights.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• On the front lines: Haitians in nursing share what they are really fighting for - Haitian Times

• Haitian Studies in Dialogue: Emerging Scholars Bridging Dyasporas in France, the United States, and Beyond - Haitian Studies Association

• Three Destroyers and One Order: How the US Imposed Its Rule on Haiti Orinoco Tribune

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Renmen tout, pèdi tout
Want everything, lose everything
Haitian proverb

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to challenge our readers to reflect on and discover the spirit and poetry of the proverb for themselves. Did you understand today’s proverb?

CHAY LA | Main Story

TPS remains in effect

On February 2nd, just one day ahead of the order of termination issued by DHS Secretary Kristi Noem, which would have put an end to Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haitians on February 3rd, 2026 — Federal Judge Ana C. Reyes ruled to halt the termination of the program for Haitians. In her ruling, Reyes noted that it is likely Noem’s decision violated the procedures required to terminate the program — namely that the administration moved to end the program without properly assessing whether conditions in Haiti had actually improved — adding that the order was in breach of the Fifth Amendment’s constitutional guarantee of equal protection under the law.

The decision to extend or terminate TPS is meant to be determined based on a review of the conditions when the expiration approaches. Trump and his team have been announcing that they will end TPS since his racist campaign. Reyes also sided with the plaintiffs’ claim that this decision was likely preordained, because of hostility towards immigrants of nonwhite backgrounds. These biases are clear when considering Trump’s open statements on the matter, citing Haiti specifically as a “shit hole”, and describing the country, among others, as “filthy, dirty, disgusting, and ridden with crime” — and in the same breath noting his preference for immigrants from Norway or Sweden.

Until the final ruling, Haitians under this designations are protected from detention and deportation. Those with valid work authorization, including anyone whose work permit has been automatically extended under this ruling, are allowed to continue working legally in the United States.

Haitians were initially designated for Temporary Protected Status following the 2010 earthquake, and the designation has since been renewed several times, although without a clear pathway to citizenship. In recent years, the number of Haitian beneficiaries to the program increased following Biden’s Humanitarian Parole program. Now over 300,000 Haitians depend on TPS for legal status in the United States in a context of continued instability back home.

“TPS designation can be granted to immigrants from countries where there is ongoing armed conflict, environmental disaster, epidemics or other extraordinary and temporary conditions.” (Source: Dispatch)

While Kristi Noem and the Trump Administration moved to terminate the program on the basis that “no extraordinary and temporary conditions” exist in Haiti preventing Haitians from returning, the reality on the ground points to the contrary. According to current figures, 90% of the capital is now under gang control, with over 1,4 million people displaced by the violence.

Following Reyes’ ruling, the Trump Administration filed a notice of appeal to the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit on February 5th and requested that the judge stay her order blocking the termination of the program from going into effect. The federal government is also asking for a decision by Monday, February 9th, leaving the plaintiffs in the case little time to respond.

At this point, a ruling from the Court of Appeals would allow the federal government to appeal to the Supreme Court. In California, a similar case challenging the termination of TPS for Venezuelans saw the Supreme Court allow for the termination of protections during the appeals process, despite the lower court’s ruling that the federal government cancelled the designation illegally. Haitians across the U.S. are faced with great uncertainty, fearing they will be targeted by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) for deportation.

As many Haitians scramble to find an alternative to TPS, pathways for legal status in Canada, particularly for French speakers are among the options many are considering. This includes an Express Entry program for French speakers and a Francophone Mobility Work Permit.

POLITIK/POLEMIK

Meanwhile in Haiti

With the arrival of the February 7th deadline, marking the end of the CPT’s mandate, a ceremony was held to officially dissolve the Transitional Presidential Council. De facto Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils Aimé took the reigns to lead the government with the council of ministers after weeks of pressure from the international community. Last week, ahead of the ceremony, five members of the Council had voted to oust Fils Aimé. Alas, Fils-Aimé has the full weight of the west behind him. In a tweet, the US Embassy threatened anyone who might attempt to get in the way and affirmed any such actions would be considered as an act against the interests of the region, the Haitian people, but more importantly against the interests of the United States. Subsequently, two more members of the council have since been sanctioned by the United States. There are now a total of five members of the former CPT sanctioned by the U.S.

Marco Rubio, the U.S. Secretary of State also reaffirmed U.S. support for Fils-Aimé, describing members of the CPT involved in this action as corrupt criminals akin to the gangs, accusing them of conspiring with the gangs to maintain control of the government.

In what the U.S. claims is a show of their commitment to peace and stability in Haiti, three warships have since been deployed in the bay of Pòtoprens, under the orders of the US Secretary of War, Pete Hegseth. And on February 6th, road blocks were erected in front of the Villa d’Accueil, the current seat of the Haitian government, using armored vehicles — only allowing access to the prime minister according to reports on the ground.

Dismissing the many transition plans and negotiations led by local actors (discussed in our last newsletter), Fils Aimé is poised to rule with ultimate authority like Ariel Henry, who was also appointed Prime Minister of Haiti via a Twitter post from the CORE group in 2021. The inability of Haitian political actors to reach a consensus about how to fill the power vacuum and organize elections, allows foreign interference to disguise itself as stability.

ON THIS DAY

February 7th

On February 7th 1986, Jean-Claude Duvalier was forced to resign the presidency — fleeing to first to the US, then Europe following sweeping protests across Haiti due to rising food prices, and amid pressure from the US government. Haiti’s inaugural date for the transition of power has since been February 7th, commemorating the fall of the Duvalier regime.

This year marks the 40th anniversary of the end of the brutal dictatorship. Francois Duvalier and his son Jean-Claude Duvalier ruled the country with an iron fist from 1957 to 1986. Their time in power was largely defined by gross human rights violations perpetuated by both father and son to assert and maintain control over the country; including dozens of infamous massacres, killings, constant disappearances, torture, and the systematic repression of political dissent and speech.

The public execution of Louis Drouin and Marcel Numa, who were killed in an attempt to topple the regime in 1964, is emblematic of this government’s modus operandi, and just one of the innumerable killings carried out by the regime’s military forces and secret police, also known as the Tonton Macoutes. In this case, the killing was filmed and broadcast on television, speaking to the regime’s expressed interest in establishing a system of control through fear. As for massacres, entire families were killed in some instances. For example, in the same year, hundreds of people were assassinated during the Massacre de Jérémie simply because a family member may have been suspected of organizing against the government.

Elizabeth Abbott explique dans « The Duvalier and their Legacy » que « le duvaliérisme a massacré des dizaines de milliers de personnes, a conduit un million à l’exil, a intimidé six millions d’autres, et a réduit au silence des centaines de milliers en les torturant, souvent dans la salle spéciale du palais où vivaient les deux Duvaliers et où leurs enfants ont grandi. » (Source: AyiboPost)

Over the course this reign of terror, Haiti also experienced a brain drain as the professional and educated classes fled the country in droves. Notably, the Duvaliers also weaponized Haiti’s racial dynamics to manipulate the masses, pointing its sword at the country’s mixed race population. Their ability to maintain control of Haiti is in part attributed to their anti-communist stance during the Cold War, making Haiti an ally to the West in the fight against the Soviets.

12 Janvye

Memory work is something we take seriously at Woy Magazine. We create a space for it to happen and seek to document how Haitians remember. How we remember to honor, to reflect, to study patterns, and to create anew. On January 12th, Haitians at home and abroad commemorated the 16th anniversary of the 2010 earthquake that devastated the Western department, and took the lives of hundreds of thousands.

What remains as a priority for Haitians is the need for effective adaptation and preparedness efforts. As we saw in the aftermath recent extreme weather events, very little has materialized despite the scope of the devastation we’ve seen in recent years and over the last few decades. In 2016, hurricane Matthew showed just how ill prepared the country remains, taking over 500 lives and leaving more than 175,000 displaced. In 2025, hurricane Melissa resulted in severe flooding for communities in the Sud-Est, Sud, and Grandans regions, serving as yet another reminder of the country’s lack of preparedness in the face of disasters that are endemic to the region.

In the wake of climate change, these vulnerability are only projected to increase. As for earthquakes, Haiti sits on major fault lines making the country particularly vulnerable to regular earthquakes. You may remember that this was frequently mentioned in the reports published following the 2010 earthquake, yet according to the Funders Coalition for Haitian-led Development (FCHLD), what has come out of the billions of dollars allocated to disaster response are short-term fixes that sideline communities and local institutions, only to perpetuate Haiti’s dependency on aid.

These catastrophic events will only exacerbate the social, political, and economic issues already plaguing the country. The challenge for Haiti and the Haitian people, is to address these competing and interdependent stressors.

KILTIRÈL

KANAVAL 2026

Kanaval season is upon us — beginning on January 18th and ending February 17th this year. With its colonial roots, kanaval is one of Haiti’s biggest holidays, and stands out as a tradition that most beautifully displays Haiti’s artistic and cultural prowess. In recent years, celebrations have proceeded despite the unrest, although not to the same extent.

As we discussed in this newsletter, last year, the official kanaval parade—organized by the government—was canceled due to public outcry over the cost of organizing such an event in the midst of the displacement of millions of Haitians.

This year things are unlikely to change, although Haitians across the country have already taken to the streets in their finest costumes, rara instruments in toe, to ring in the season. So far, parades have taken place in cities like Jakmèl, Fò Libète and Okap.

Though the current unrest has prompted a lot of backlash and skepticism over the merits of celebrating amid one of the worst crises the country has seen in recent decades — as Regine Theodat so aptly puts it, Kanaval is a necessary ancestral ceremony and tradition, a symbol of resistance and unity, and we couldn’t agree more.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Family of ‘perfectly healthy’ asylum-seeker who died in ICE custody demand answers: ‘His story cannot end here’- The Independent

• Nathalie Joachim’s “Sonic Portfolio” of Haiti - Classical Voice

• Spring exhibitions trace memory and metamorphosis shaped by Haitian heritage - Virginia Tech News

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Abitid se vis
Habits are a vice
(Haitian proverb)

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to challenge our readers to reflect on and discover the spirit and poetry of the proverb for themselves. Today’s proverb signals the dangers of complacency. Did you understand today’s proverb?

Editor’s Note

A Space for Intentional Reflection and Exchange

I’m so excited to invite you to visit and browse through our new website, WoyMagazine.com.

Much like the trope of opening fairy tales with “once upon a time,” Haitians have a go-to line for how we end stories. It’s a funny line that reminds the listener of the journey, even if fictional, that brought the raconteur here to share this story with them. The storyteller cleverly places themself at the tale’s scene as the story reaches its conclusion—imagine the end of Cinderella, the site of the royal wedding, as she is about to go off into her happily ever after. The storyteller would say something like, “Se pase m t ap pase…I was simply walking by the wedding, epi yon moun fout mwen on gwo kout pye… when somebody kicked me in the butt, epi mwen ateri la pou m vin rakonte w… and I flew until I landed right here to tell you this story.”

The last 10 years for me have been like this proverbial kick in the butt, a violent jolt that calls us all to document what we’ve witnessed and lived through in Haiti so that we never pretend that what is happening today is happening in a vacuum.

January 1st marked the start of the new year, the 222nd anniversary of Haiti’s independence, and Woy Magazine’s 11th birthday. When we started this project in 2015, I don’t think we fully understood what we were creating. Now, in our 11th year, we have built a space where Haitians in Haiti and the Dyaspora come together to speak our truths, convictions, fears, and triumphs in one place. In the process, we have created an archive that documents a crucial moment in Haitian life: the complete deterioration of Haitian institutions; a new peak of Haitian exodus; the transformation of life in Port-au-Prince and its surrounding areas; a disruption in how we move and organize; the assassination of a president; the rise and fall of a major political movement; the repetition of cycles.

Woy Magazine is a space for intentional reflection and exchange on Haiti and Haitians by Haitians for Haitians and the people who wish to be in solidarity with us. The website and this newsletter are our offering to folks who want a starting point to learn, discuss, and struggle through the issues we’re facing, and what we can build together.

Thank you for visiting us. Please dig through this library and witness how we have learned and grown together. You’ll see shifts in our perspective, growth in our ideology, and analysis that have deepened over time. This is what doing this kind of work requires. Thank you for being part of it.

Bòn fèt lendepandans, Ayiti. Bòn fèt, Woy. Happy New Year.

Talie Cerin
Lead Editor
Philadelphia, PA 2026

CHAY LA | Main Story

A Critical Hour for Haitian Immigrant Justice

As we enter the second year of Trump’s presidency and the February 3rd expiration for Haiti TPS draws near, the need for solidarity and action becomes more urgent. Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees, a Brooklyn-based immigrant justice organization that has been fighting for Haitian immigrant and refugee rights since 1992, has extended an invitation for all to join in the cause through a recently published a crucial report in December titled “A Critical Hour for Haitian Immigrant Justice: Community Testimony and Policy Solutions Amid Relentless Racist Attacks on TPS and Humanitarian Parole.”

Haitian Women for Haitian Refugees conducted a Participatory Action Research project with our legal partners at TakeRoot Justice. Our findings are documented in a new report about the extraordinary challenges facing Haitian refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants right now, particularly with the impending deadline for TPS, and how we can come together to protect our communities.

While the Trump administration continues to strip Haitians of immigration statuses and protections they rely on for their safety and well-being, HWHR understands now is not the time for us to back down or give up. Now is the time to build on our community power, show up for each other and fight to keep our families together. (Source: Haitianrefugees.org)

Arguments were heard in a federal court hearing in Washington, DC, on behalf of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haitians on January 6th and 7th. The hearing was presided over by Judge Ana C. Reyes, who stated, on the second day of the hearing, that the current security and humanitarian conditions in Ayiti remain unsafe. No decision in this case has been reached at the time of writing.

Other outcomes in cases brought against the removal of TPS have been favorable. On December 31st, a federal case in California on behalf of beneficiaries of TPS from Honduras, Nepal, and Nicaragua determined that the Trump Administration's early removal of TPS was unlawful. Similarly, last year, a judge in New York blocked the Department of Homeland Security(DHS) from ending TPS early for beneficiaries from Haiti.

Haitian immigration advocates are calling on people who stand in solidarity with Haitian immigrants to show up and participate in an upcoming federal TPS hearing for Venezuela and Haiti on January 14th in Pasadena, California.

Politik/Polemik

Bòn Fèt Ayiti?

Meanwhile, in Haiti, Haitians celebrated 222 years of independence on January 1st at a crossroads. The end of the Transitional Presidential Council’s (CPT) two-year term is drawing near on February 7th, without a clear path forward after the nine-member entity is dissolved. The departing council has failed to significantly improve the security situation or organize elections. And so, Haitians are debating again what to do next after February 7th.

The issue isn’t a lack of proposals. There are plenty of roadmaps proposed by various political parties and institutions. Some analysts estimate as many as 150 proposals for the transition. When you categorize the plans, there are five main directions being discussed. Here are the scenarios:

1. Pick a president among the Court de Cassation (Supreme Court) or Koudèkont (Court of Audits) judges, and a new Prime Minister. This is how Ertha Pascal-Trouillot came to serve as provisional president of Haiti in 1990, for example.

2. Pick a president from the Haitian civil society who is trusted and respected, and a new Prime Minister

3. Keep the current private sector allied Prime Minister Fils-Aimé, and have him govern without a president:

   This third option seems to be what the United States prefers, reflected by the sanctions levied against Presidential Councilmember Fritz Jean after he made his desire to replace Fils-Aimé clear to the Core group representatives. This is the same de facto setup that existed when Ariel Henry was Prime Minister.

4. A new transitional council with only three members, plus a new Prime Minister.

   This position is backed by collectives like AkòMontana.

5. Maintaining a version of the existing presidential council:

   The current members of the presidential council back this option, understandably out of an inclination for self-preservation. They would like to participate in a national negotiation process to develop a new plan that includes them. They claim there are major security and election-planning gains that should be secured and built upon.

Against the backdrop of the United States’ recent imperial violence in Venezuela, Haitian political actors and civil society leaders will need to agree on a path forward. The failure of the CPT and the Kenyan intervention exist as lessons to draw from.

NEW ON WOY MAGAZINE

Hotel Oloffson, The Neverending Cycle of Forced Forgetting

This week on Woy Magazine, we invite you to explore the significance of the destruction of the famed Hotel Ollofson last year and the implications of destroying sites that hold cultural, social, and political value in the current political context. Written by Woy contributor Valerie Jean Charles, Hotel Oloffson, The Neverending Cycle of Forced Forgetting:

Extremist erasure such as this is excruciating, but in a larger context, it is, unfortunately, unsurprising. Not-so-distant events in the Middle East serve as harsh examples of how domestic groups hellbent on domination use such tactics to gain an upper hand over the greater population.

Considered “a local offshoot of Al Qaeda,” the Islamic State, also known as ISIS, went on a quest to either destroy or sell prized Syrian and Iraqi artifacts. NPR reported that, “during its 10-month occupation of Palmyra, the Islamic State razed two ancient temples and a triumphal arc.” Members of the group also “...beheaded…the archaeologist who had been Palmyra’s antiquities custodian, because he refused to reveal the location of artifacts he had hidden.”

Experts like Yale University’s Eckhart Frahm believed view this tactic as a way for ISIS to eradicate the sites as they were previously used by political leaders to “build some kind of national identity across religions, sects and ethnic groups.”

In such an explanation, we can find some understanding of the destruction of the Oloffson. On Thursday nights, fueled by RAM’s performances, the institution served as a rare zone of equity, as free of class and socioeconomic structures as you could find in Port-au-Prince. Together, natif natals, dyasporas, nèg anba yo and the elite – along with a random ambassador or foreign journalist – could co-exist in the same space with little to no hierarchy.

For the gangs to impose a new order, a new identity upon Haiti, structures representing any kind of unity could not exist… (Source: Woy Magazine)

MIZIK Break

Woukoukou Dieudonné Larose

Rest in peace to Haitian music legend, Dieudonné Larose.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Dieudonné Larose, Voice of Fire and Conviction, Dies at 80 | Opa Music

• Whose Story Gets to Be Told? : The King of Haiti in the Work of Tavares Strachan | Dr. Marlene Daut

• How Haitian ordinance wound up in the Adirondack Mountains - The World - Amy Bracken

• L’opposition vivres/denrées : les fondements de l’État en Haïti : De la colonie de Saint-Domingue à la République d’Haïti - Collège de France - Jean Alix René

• PAPJAZZ 2026 – Day 1 LIVE | Daniel Torres, Joël Akoustik & Pawòl Tanbou ft. Riva Précil

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Bab pi long, men sousi pi vye
The beard is longer, but the eyebrow is older
(Haitian proverb)

*We translate the Haitian proverbs literally (word-for-word) to encourage our readers to reflect on and discover the spirit of the proverb for themselves. Today's proverb refers to the importance of not discounting the wisdom of the old, despite the stature, flashiness or loudness of the new. Did you understand today's proverb? Let us know in the comments!

CHAY LA | Main Story

Confusion Amid Security Efforts

Erik Prince, founder of Blackwater and private security firm Vectus Global, claims to have signed a 10-year deal with the Haitian government to fight gangs and to manage the border.

This is the same Erik Prince who has made claims in the past that the US should colonize countries that have trouble governing themselves. The security firm would also be involved in overseeing tax collection once security has been reestablished in affected areas.

A prominent supporter of Donald Trump, Prince claims that major roads and territories would be liberated from armed groups within one year. No information has been provided regarding how much the Haitian government would be paying for Blackwater’s services, nor how much tax Blackwater expects to collect in Haiti.

Fritz Alphonse Jean, the previous head of the Transitional Presidential Council (CPT), has refuted any connection with this agreement. This is despite the fact that Vectus Global has maintained an operational presence in Haiti since March 2025, in collaboration with a task force led by Prime Minister Alix Fils-Aimé. The Prime Minister and Mr. Jean have been at odds for months because of Fils-Aimé’s ties to the Haitian private sector, and were unable to collaborate effectively on security during Jean’s 6-month mandate, which is the priority of everyone.

Subsequently, the Haitian government has announced negotiations with Evergreen Trading Systems Limited, aiming to modernize customs. This contract would span over 10 years, but nothing has yet been finalized.

The implications of longstanding deals by a transitional government that was not elected by the people are frightening.

POLITIK/POLEMIK

Big Beautiful Bill

Hidden in Trump’s recently passed spending bill is a tax on remittances that will be hitting communities like the Haitian diaspora the hardest. Although the tax is at 1%, over the long run means billions of dollars in decreased remittances that many families in Haiti rely on from their loved ones in the United States for survival.

About 200 million immigrant workers support about 800 million family members in their home countries each year — together, that’s roughly one in eight people worldwide. For every dollar that a wealthy nation sends in foreign aid, immigrants send almost four times as much back home, totaling over $700 billion worldwide — enough to buy up every home for sale in the US and still have billions to spare. (Source: Vox)

Ministry of Education Involved In Young Man’s Death

Wanderson Zamy, a young basketball phenom attending the Collège Canado-Haïtien, was killed on August 18, 2025, after succumbing to injuries from a bullet to the abdomen while on a taxi moto in Delmas 83. The 19-year-old TikToker who recently graduated from high school projected on his social media account the life of a bright young man in Port-au-Prince with a positive outlook on life.

On August 18th, a Ministry of Education (MENFP) security agent allegedly fired his gun at a group of teachers protesting in front of the government building, in a violent attempt to disperse the crowd. Wanderson appears to have been hit by a stray bullet discharged from a Ministry of Education (MENFP) security agent while riding by on a taxi moto. Hundreds of people held a march to mourn Wanderson Zamy’s tragic passing and decry the loss of yet another innocent life at the hands of a government agent.

ON THIS DAY

Bwa Kayiman

On August 14th, the Bwa Kayiman ceremony, a political and strategic meeting that launched the Haitian Revolution, was commemorated as a national holiday for the first time by the Haitian government. That this recognition has happened 234 years later is not surprising. We know the brutal history of campaigns against the Vodou practitioners and their institutions in Haiti by the government and the church. The government and Haitian civil society organizations have rather consistently promoted battles, forts, and the honoring of military figures. In 2022, we talked about this in an article on the 12 Principles of Bwa Kayiman.

What sets Bwa Kayiman apart from other collective acts of resistance in Saint Dominique is that it was a planning meeting and religious ceremony that included a solemn vow by those who participated to be free or die fighting for it. Beyond its importance in terms of strategy, it’s one moment in Haitian history from which the collective Haitian imagination to become a nation is drawn, and it is regularly referred to in times of political struggle in present day Haiti.

Despite Bwa Kayiman’s importance in the creation of the Haitian nation, the date and the place have not been elevated by the Haitian state as an official holiday. In a recent lecture on how the Haitian state and civil society has built sites of heritage and collective memory around our history, Haitian Art historian Carlos Celius, described and analyzed that aspect of Haitian identity formulation. Celius explains that the Haitian state has promoted the importance of forts and commemorated dates of battles as national holidays. Bwa Kayiman is simply not elevated to the status of other historic symbols of our independence. August 14th is not a national holiday and it remains a contested site because of its association with Vodou. Source: Woy Magazine

This decision by the Haitian government to make August 14th a holiday is consistent with the increasing positive visibility that we have observed of Vodou in the Haitian public sphere. To mark this important moment, a delegation of Vodou practitioners marched through the streets of Petyonvil on that day.

KILTIRÈL

Fèt Chanpèt: Okap, Okay, Wanament

The patronal celebrations are well underway with the latest festivities taking place for Sent Sizan on August 11th, Okap, Okay, and Wanament on August 15th, and Grand Rivyè Dinò on August 22nd. Woy Magazine was in Okap, where the festivities featured the legendary band Tropicana. Each year on August 13th, the 62-year-old band holds a massive free concert in front of the cathedral, drawing as many as 20,000 people. Check out some pictures from this year’s concert by Abellard Elusma.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• ESSAY: The Haitian Revolution and Its Impact on the Americas, Michel-Rolph Trouillot, 1991

• Private Sector Assumes Control of Haitian State as DC Lobbying Picks up Pace - CEPR by Jake Johnston

• Haitian gang leaders offer to collaborate with FBI

• Haitian Roots, Global Voice: A Conversation with Filmmaker Lunise Cerin

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Fòk ou bat tanbou a pou tande son l
You have to beat the drum to hear its sound
(Haitian proverb)

CHAY LA | Main Story

The Private Sector Takes the Reins

Laurent Saint-Cyr, a prominent Haitian businessman, took the reins as the President of Haiti's Transitional Presidential Council (CPT) on August 7th, succeeding Fritz Alphonse Jean.

With this passing of the torch, what did Fritz Alphonse Jean accomplish during his time at the head of the council?

Leslie Voltaire’s tenure was marked by the firing of Gary Conille, a visit from Colombian President Gustavo Petro, which we discussed in our previous newsletter, a trip to France where he met Emmanuel Macron and the Pope, as well as the inauguration of infrastructure projects in the South.

Fritz Alphonse Jean fixed his attention on a so-called War budget, seeming more focused on fighting the ongoing gang violence. The additional resources intended to improve security have been stalled. During an interview, Jean made the alarming claim that because of the high turnover in various government agencies, there is a lack of knowledge of the procedures to spend funds quickly and efficiently.

We also saw the use of drones to strike gang strongholds in Pòtoprens, which raised many human rights concerns, as well as the hiring of Blackwater, an American private military group. After all these grand gestures, no significant gains in security were reported during Jean's term.

Jean also called on Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé to provide explanations regarding several contracts that engaged the Haitian State, particularly concerning the lease renewal of Port-au-Prince's public port in favor of Edouard Baussan. Without justification, the length of the proposed contract was extended beyond the typical nine-year renewal period to a 27-year-long contract.

The controversy is about a 27-year lease to Caribbean Port Services for running the main international port. Originally, the lease was supposed to be for nine years. Jean said a judge should decide if the longer lease is allowed. He warned that without legal review, people might think the council is corrupt. […]

Caribbean Port Services is a private shipping company that runs Haiti’s main port along with the Port Authority. It handles about 80% of all container traffic, according to its website.

Jean will leave his role as council president on Thursday. The job rotates among members. He recently said that starting August 7, both of Haiti’s top government branches will be led by the private sector. (Source: St Kitts Nevis Observer)

The Prime Minister also entered into contracts with the Royal Oasis, which were similarly undertaken without the CPT's knowledge.

A Break from Impunity

Bazile Richardson, a Haitian-American trucking company owner residing in North Carolina, was arrested on July 23, 2025, in Houston for his alleged involvement in facilitating money transfers to circumvent U.S. sanctions against Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier, leader of the “Viv Ansanm” gang. The funds were intended to purchase weapons, ammunition, equipment, and vehicles for the armed group. Court records suggest Richardson, a close friend of Chérizier, was considered a key associate due to his financial contributions.

Since issuing sanctions against terrorist group members and those funding them, we have not seen any real consequences. Thus far, sanctions by the US, UN, and Canada have largely been characterized as too late and ineffective. Richardson’s arrest comes shortly after the arrest of prominent Haitian businessman, Pierre Reginald Boulos, who U.S. immigration agents arrested over allegations of supporting violent armed groups and immigration fraud. The latter was a result of his failure to disclose his involvement in the formation of the political party, Mouvement pour la Transformation et la Valorization d’Haiti, in his application to become a permanent resident of the United States.

Boulos was also referred for prosecution by Haiti's Anti-Corruption Unit (ULCC) for loan misuse, providing additional grounds for his potential removal based on fraud.

A former presidential candidate, doctor, and owner of a chain of supermarkets and a car dealership, Boulos is the most well-known Haitian figure to be arrested to date by U.S. agents in recent years.

Following this arrest, the U.S. Department of State announced a hardline stance on Haitian gang activity with regard to green card holders with alleged ties to the Viv Ansanm gang coalition. The new policy is to deport them back to Haiti. ICE announced that it would be handing over Boulos to ULCC, and the Haitian Ministry of Justice announced a protocol for arresting those deported by the US for financial crimes tied to the armed groups.

As discussed in a previous newsletter, the Viv Ansanm, as well as the Gran Grif gangs, were designated as Foreign Terrorist Organizations by the State Department in May 2025.

This news is monumental to many, with such a prominent figure as Boulos facing consequences for crimes committed in Haiti that would normally go unpunished. Sanctions imposed by the UN, the US, and Canada on Haitian political and economic elites have had no significant impact.

Yet, many are concerned that deporting someone as powerful as Boulos back to Haiti, where the justice system is dysfunctional and prisons are not secure, will only lead to more impunity. It would not be surprising to find Boulos moving freely and in the public eye in Haiti in a little while because of his money and resources, and the weakness of the Haitian justice system. Many are asking why he was not prosecuted in the United States.

What are the limits of the US justice system to prosecute gangs for crimes in Haiti? Or is this all, once again, simply theater?

In an interview with AyiboPost, an attorney questioned on the case claims the U.S. is interested in prosecuting Haitians. Still, there are limits, including jurisdiction, although fraud could be grounds for prosecution, like in Boulos’ case.

Imigrasyon

TPS 2026 End Date Restored

The Trump administration has conceded to maintaining the February 6th, 2026, end date of the Temporary Protected Status designated to Haitians.

This is a significant victory for Haitians seeking to maintain their Temporary Protected Status (TPS) in the United States — a result of the tireless efforts of lawyers and immigrant rights organizations who sued the Trump administration over its unjust decision to terminate TPS for Haitians, in a context where the situation is only worsening back home.

This provides more time for Haitians with TPS to adjust their status, possibly, and for organizers to further their ongoing battle to secure further rights for Haitian migrants. Following these decisions, Haitian groups filed a class action lawsuit against the Trump administration challenging the termination of TPS altogether.

“The termination of Haiti’s TPS designation is arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, not in accordance with law, in excess of statutory authority, without observance of procedure required by law, and contrary to constitutional rights because it was motivated by unlawful discriminatory animus,” the lawsuit said. (Source: Miami Herald)

KILTIRÈL

Fèt Chanpèt season is in full swing!

Fèt Chanpèt season across Haiti is upon us! These secular and religious festivities mark the founding of a town or city and honor the respective patron saints/lwas of communities, drawing crowds of pilgrims and revelers from near and far. Major pilgrimages to sacred sites like Sodo in the Plato Santral and Plèndinò, Ba Lenbe, and Limonad took place over the past few weeks.

Plèndinò's Basen Sen Jak and La Pòt serve as popular destinations for thousands of pilgrims, visitors, and revelers each year, with folks across the Northern region looking to dance and celebrate to Tropicana and Septentrional, and to catch up with friends and family. The security and humanitarian crisis has greatly affected the ability of Haitians to travel to their hometowns or visit other communities to celebrate and pray, but the traditions persist.

On this day (July 26, 1955)

Bòn Fèt Konpa!

July 26th marks the 70th anniversary of Konpa, the beloved pop genre of Haitian music. For the past seven decades, Konpa has presented a sonic signature that is simultaneously uniquely Haitian, but also tells the tale of Haiti’s African roots and our cultural relationships with our neighboring countries.

To commemorate the 70th anniversary of the creation of Konpa by Nemours Jean Baptiste, numerous events are being organized both in Haiti and throughout the Haitian diaspora. Konpa bands that are based in the US, like T Vice, performed in the capital and in Okap. The group, Vayb, is in Haiti as well for the first time in two years to play in Pòtoprens, Okap, and Ench.

Over the past few years, Konpa has been introduced to a wider audience across the globe, particularly with the success of French Haitian artist Joé Dwèt File.

The music of Haiti, a country founded by freed enslaved people, reflects that history. It is a mixture of Africa and what was adopted from the colonizers fused together, along with new rhythms birthed from conversations between other African diaspora communities. For example, before Konpa, there was the Meringue Lente, a musical style created by Haitian musician Occide Jeanty. The 19th and early 20th centuries saw a lot of commercial trade, and as a result, cultural exchange between Haiti and Cuba. What was known as Meringue Lente, is credited by many to be the predecessor of Habanera and Danzon de Cuba.

When Konpa was created, this same cultural exchange was happening with Haiti and its neighboring countries. There was a general fascination in the region, and African communities around the world, with the Cuban revolution, and as a result the music of Cuba. There was also the music of Haiti’s neighbors in the Dominican Republic, where merengue was all the rage. Rouzier describes the rhythm that would eventually be known as Konpa as a slowed-down merengue, fused with the percussive rhythms from Haitians’ African heritage.

July 26, 1955 has gone down in history as the birthday of Konpa, Haiti’s most popular genre, the rhythm most internationally recognized as Haiti’s mark on music.

Nemours Jean Baptiste called his new band’s style of music, Konpa Dirèk, Direct Konpa. In the last interview he ever granted on the Television Nationale d’Haiti before he died, Jean-Baptiste explained why he called it “direct”. All of the ensemble’s songs had a chord progression of two chords, no third chord would be added or accidentals. A simple 5-1 progression with the same basic walking bass pattern holding the foundation. Direct. Source: WXPN

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• « POUVWA » : le Festival Féministe NÈGÈS MAWON fait entendre la voix des femmes en quête de justice et d’égalité - Mus’elles

• Human Rights and the Rule of Law in Haiti: Key Recent Developments (December 2024 through June 2025) - The Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH)

• When Standing Still Means Sliding Back by Johnny Celestin

• Mawon Ann Di nan Koze Nèf Tankou Ze Fre | Jafrikayiti

• Colloque International Sur Le KOMPA, 70 Ans De Rythme D'Histoire Et D'avenir

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Fè wè pa dire
Showing off doesn't last
(Haitian proverb)

CHAY LA | Main Story

Hotel Oloffson Reduced to Ashes

Richard A. Morse, band leader of the iconic rasin band RAM, announced on Twitter that the Hotel Oloffson had been incinerated by unknown individuals on July 5th, 2025.

Built in 1887 for the son of Haitian President Tirésias Simon Sam, in the gingerbread architectural style — as a hotel, it housed famous guests like international actors, reporters and writers.

The Hotel Oloffson was home to the Morse family for 40 years, and host to their band’s popular weekly Thursday night performances, which brought together people from all backgrounds for the best fun the Pòtoprens nightlife had to offer.

RAM stopped performing regularly at the hotel in 2020 and moved to New Orleans a few years ago. This attack is yet another assault on Haitian cultural spaces. People have been sharing through social media posts, articles and conversations what the hotel meant to them and to the country.

Writer, Lionel Trouillot, however, argues that the destruction of the Oloffson represents a past that no longer exists—a time when foreigners could still flock downtown to dance to RAM and stay at the hotel to get a taste of Haitian culture. None of these things are relevant to ordinary Haitians today. Richard Morse admitted, “I don’t want to cry about a building when so many Haitians are being killed & raped— unless the building brings attention to the killings and rapes.”

Lunise Morse and Richard Morse shared in interviews with the media candidly what this loss means for them personally, for the band and their family.

Over 1.3 million people have been displaced in the crisis so far, and over 4,000 have been killed since January, according to BINUH.

Meeting the material needs and seeking justice for those affected should be our utmost priority. And yet, the loss of cultural spaces to gather, transmit knowledge, rites and practices is a profound harm from which Haitians will need to heal and create anew.

Ensekirite

Gangs have turned their attention to Laskawobas, about an hour from Mibalè and about one hour from the Dominican Republic (DR) in the Sant department. Their objective appears to be to seize control of Beladè, the town bordering the DR in the area. Auto defense groups are fighting alongside the Haitian National Police (PNH) to hold off the gangs.

Centre à la une is a media organization based in Plato Santral reporting on the assault. As of July 6th, the gangs have continued to burn down homes causing a great deal of damage in their wake, as the neighborhood defense groups and police fight to thwart the offense.

IMIGRASYON

In the wake of the Trump administration’s latest attacks on Haitian immigrants, those affected have been seeking counsel on their options, faced with an end to their legal status in the US. Many are seeking to change their status by applying for asylum and other legal pathways. As Trump takes aim also at birth right citizenship and with the recent ruling limiting the reach of federal judges’ injunctions, Haitian parents in the US are having to make decisions to lay low and attempt to secure passports for their US born children.

Following the announcement suspending TPS for Haitians, a New York judge ruled on July 1st that the Trump administration could not end TPS before the February 2026 end date.

On the ground in Haiti, organizations are beginning to discuss what mechanisms could be put in place to receive the estimated 30,000-80,000 Haitians expected to return.

“Nearly 350,000 people from Haiti are currently enrolled in the TPS program, which allows migrants to remain in the U.S. if their home country is unsafe due to war or natural disaster. The federal government first granted TPS designation to Haiti in 2010, and the Biden administration extended it for Haitian migrants until February 2026. […]

In his ruling Tuesday, Hogan sided with a group of Haitian migrants who sued over the end to TPS for the Caribbean nation. The judge wrote that Noem "does not have statutory or inherent authority to partially vacate a country's TPS designation." (Source: CBS News)

An Enduring Legacy

In an Op-ed for Ayibopost, Johny Celestin analyzed this latest policy decision as part of a consistent strategy to deliberately expel Black and brown people from the United States.

Many view the Trump administration’s policies as inconsistent, but a closer look reveals something far more deliberate—a systematic strategy that disguises cruelty as reasonable governance.

The termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haitians is not isolated. It is part of a broader effort to erase Black and brown people from the American story.

This quiet purge is not limited to Haiti and is unfolding on multiple fronts. It is the removal of National Park Service pages about Harriet Tubman and the Underground Railroad, the deletion of Jackie Robinson’s military service history during the Pentagon’s DEI ( Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) purge, and the renaming of Navy ships that honor civil rights leaders like Thurgood Marshall and Medgar Evers.

These are not random acts. They are carefully coordinated steps in a larger plan to redefine who gets to belong in America." (Source: AyiboPost)

ON THIS DAY

Anniversary of the Assassination of Jovenel Moise

July 7th marked the anniversary of de facto President Jovenel Moise’s assassination, who was killed in his home on July 7th, 2021.

So far several men have been charged in the US for their suspected involvement in crimes that resulted in Moise’s murder, including James Solages, Joseph Vincent, Germàn Alejandro Rivera Garcia, Christian Sanon, Mario Antonio Palacios Palacios, Rodolph Jaar, and Joseph Joel John.

Rodolphe Jaar was sentence to life in prison which we discussed in this newsletter. DEA informant Joseph Vincent, Germàn Alejandro Rivera Garcia, and Mario Antonio Palacios also got life in prison, while an American named Frederick Bergmann, charged with illegally exporting tactical gear to Haiti was sentenced to 9 years in prison.

Others are awaiting to stand trial in the US, including Christian Sanon, Walter Veintemilla (from the Worldwide Capital Lending Group), Arcangel Pretel Ortiz (a Columbian-American former agent), and Antonio Intriago (Director of CTU, a security firm).

Back in Haiti, the investigation has been muddled by a revolving door of judges and obstructions by former de facto Prime Minister Ariel Henry, which we discussed in this newsletter.

None of the Columbian’s arrested in connection to the crime have had their day in court since their arrest, while several Haitian suspects in prison in connection to the murder, including Dimitri Hérard, escaped during the attacks on the country’s two biggest prisons conducted by gangs in 2024. One suspect, Judge Wendelle Coq Théolot, even died while on the run, after escaping thanks to the gang led prison break.

»»» #WoyRewind

To learn more about the assassination and Jovenel Moise’s legacy, check out our coverage on Substack.

Just a week before Moïse was killed, feminist activist Antoinette “Netty” Duclair and journalist Diego Charles were shot to death in Diego’s yard, while along with 13 others were shot to death along Delmas 32.

While in power, Moïse continually blamed the violence on illusive political opponents even as both domestic and international papers alike alluded to the role his administration played in supporting gang leaders like Jimmy Cherizier, especially surrounding massacres that took place in poor and working class communities like Bèlè and Matisan.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Video: Jonas Gué Agr, Niveau de vulnerabilité de la commune du Cap-Haïtien et perspectives de solutions - ProFin TV

• Waste Company Pays $1.4 Million to End Race Discrimination Suit

• HAITI, THE DEBT - PART 6 : EXTORTION – SUBTITLED ENGLISH VERSION - FOKAL

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Bèl antèman pa di paradi
A beautiful funeral does not guarantee paradise
(Haitian proverb)

CHAY LA | Main Story

Termination of TPS for Haiti

On June 27, Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas announced the termination of the TPS designation for Haiti, effective September 2, 2025.

Temporary Protected Status was first extended to Haitians following the 2010 earthquake and has been extended over the years upon each review of the conditions in Haiti by both democratic and republican administrations.

Today, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) claims, “The environmental situation in Haiti has improved enough that it is safe for Haitian citizens to return home."We know that this is false. The security situation is so bad that the US has warned its own citizens to leave the country. This lie, combined with the United States’ participation in creating the current chaos in Haiti, is a sobering reminder that the United States government is not a friend to Haiti or Haitians.

The United States welcomed 500,000 Haitians under the TPS program, exploited their labor and now they are being asked to leave. Many will be able to adjust their statuses should they be eligible. If challenges to this decision in the courts are unsuccessful, many others will be forced to start a new life in another country.

This decision follows the Trump administration's move to rescind Biden's humanitarian parole policy, which allowed over 100,000 Haitians to move to the US legally, many of whom are having to self-deport. Activists have informed us that ICE raids have taken place in New York City, and many people detained thus far are Haitians.

At the same time, Trump's latest travel ban which includes Haiti further complicates the lives of Haitians. Those seeking to visit, study, or immigrate are barred from doing so. Haitians had already been constrained in their capacity to apply for visas because the US Embassy in Haiti has not issued visas to the general public in years. To apply for a visitor or student visa, Haitians have had to apply in other countries, which is an extremely expensive process. Now this is no longer an option either, due to the travel ban.

This set of decisions effectively solidifies the United States’ policy of abandonment of Haiti when the security situation in the country is only getting worse. Those who do return home will be faced with a country that needs to be wrested from the grasp of organized crime groups, and rebuilt.

POLITIK/POLEMIK

CPT Draft Constitution Under Fire

The Haitian government has recently put forth a draft constitution, which is open to public review. However, it has drawn heavy criticism, in part due to the lack of inclusivity of the feedback mechanism provided. Only the French version of the constitution can be consulted and exclusively online. There are also several substantive arguments made against the proposed amendments.

Four measures in the draft have drawn the most criticism, including the creation of governor roles for each of the 10 departments — which would eliminate elected bodies (ASEC, CASEC)—changing the head of government role to the President, as opposed to the Prime Minister, who is confirmed by Parliament. Critics argue that these measures would essentially establish a form of governance void of checks and balances within the central government, as well as at the departmental level.

The prohibition of dual citizenship holders from high-level public offices has also been a source of contention.

The Failed MSS Mission

It's been one year since the arrival of the first Kenyan soldiers to Haiti, intended to support the Haitian National Police (PNH) in their fight against the gangs, which have now taken control of a large part of Pòtoprens and are gaining ground in the Latibonit and Sant departments.

The mission has been riddled with issues since the initial deployment, such as a seemingly chronic lack of funding, a lack of coordination with the PNH, and where equipment is provided, it is failing to meet the needs of the mission.

There's also the issue concerning the number of police officers deployed on the ground. Out of the 2,500 soldiers promised by the international community, only 991 officers have been deployed as of June 2025, representing 39% of the initially promised troops.

The Kenyan mission and the Haitian National Police haven’t gained any significant ground in combatting the gangs, with territories like Kenskòf and Mibalè falling under the control of the gangs since the arrival of the Kenyans.

In a candid interview with Haitian journalists, Fritz Alphonse Jean, the current head of the CPT, claimed that the Haitian government only officially started fighting the gangs in November 2024 for the first time. This is a startling affirmation that Haitians have been living over the past 5 years. And yet it remains shocking nonetheless.

In other words, rather than devising and implementing a plan to secure the territory and protect the population, the nation’s leaders instead ceded power to the gangs. According to this claim, the Haitian government called for the international community to invade the country instead of ever trying any strategy. Any efforts to combat the gangs have been on the part of the people organizing themselves with the participation of willing local police officers.

In the university sector-led Kongrè Patriyotik pou yon Sovtaj Nasyonal, Leslie Voltaire, another member of the CPT, echoed Jean’s claim, admitting that the PNH and Kenyan forces have failed to produce desired outcomes. Voltaire defended the CPT's efforts, asserting that their attempts to combat the gangs since November 2024 have been a marked difference from previous administrations. Instead, Voltaire argued, his predecessors opted to pay the gangs off in an attempt to reduce the violence through appeasement, rather than implementing effective measures to restore security.

Gran Atelye Anyèl Konbit

The Gwoup Konbit social movement held its 5th Gran Atelye Anyèl Konbit in Pòtoprens as it does every year on June 25th. The event brought together thousands of activists, businesspeople, community leaders, students, lawyers, and advocates for community-led development.

Gwoup Konbit has been studying and documenting konbit (mutual aid) as a development practice over the past several years and has developed a comprehensive approach in the form of a guide.

These annual meetings are just one of the many instances where the group disseminates, analyzes, and collectively advances their initiative, centering on the values and principles of konbit as a catalyst for social change.

At this same gathering each year, exemplary young leaders are also honored for their commitment and contributions with the prestigious Prim Pou Chanjman. This year’s winners are Drianca Derice, founder of Jeni Drid; Marc Diversion Beauvoir from Koze Gresye; and Wislande Bernadin, an educator and mentor from Club de Jeunes Fille à Cité Soleil.

KILTIRÈL

BA YO

Friday, June 28th, Michael Brun’s Bayo tour was a smash hit at Barclay’s Center in New York. The concert featured dozens of the Haitian music industry’s most popular artists, as well as guest surprises from other countries. The tour also featured a surprise visit from New York mayor candidate Zohran Mamdani.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Dancing Through Fear: A Haitian Performer Faces Deportation in New York by Ralph Thomassaint Joseph - Documented

• How Haitian women-led nonprofit organizations are turning sisterhood into strategy by Haniyah Philogene - Yahoo News

• Haiti Tech Summit Stakeholder Dialogue with Regine Theodat

• American Red Cross Escapes Suit Over Haiti Funds for Second Time

• Celebrate Brooklyn opens season with powerful showcase of Haitian female artists | Haitian Times
  

Welcome to the latest edition of Woy Magazine’s biweekly newsletter, providing you with must-know news and commentary on Haiti and our Diaspora.

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Bèf pa janm bouke pote kòn li
The cow never tires of carrying its horns
(Haitian proverb)

CHAY LA | Main Story

The current transitional government of Haiti has announced the hiring of Blackwater, a private military company founded by Erik Prince, to adopt a singular military approach to addressing the insecurity crisis. Blackwater’s intervention will include 150 mercenaries to fight armed groups, including makeshift drones to deploy explosives.

The Kenyan foreign mission and the Haitian National Police have not yielded much in terms of regaining control of the West and Latibonit. Instead, the gangs have attacked more communities in the past year, including Kenskòf, Mibalè, and Sodo. The problem with only proposing a military response is that it fails to address the country’s political landscape. It doesn't offer justice sector reform, and neglects to disrupt the higher levels of criminal networks operating within the country.

This decision does not provide justice for the Haitian people but rather exacerbates the underlying issues. Blackwater's history includes a track record of being involved in arms trafficking, and its founder, Erik Prince, has advocated for the US to colonize Africa and Latin America.

It is in this context that Woy Magazine has recently published an article in collaboration with the W.E.B. Du Bois Movement School for Abolition & Reconstruction in Philadelphia, “Maximizing Study and Struggle Between Haiti and Philadelphia”. This is the next in a series of conversations with Haitian activists to offer insight on the state of organizing in Haiti and what is possible. The previous piece in this series was published in collaboration with Hammer and Hope, exploring the reflections and challenges faced by Haitian women activists. With the Abolition Journal, our Lead Editor, Nathalie ‘Talie’ Cerin, had a conversation with James Beltis, a Haitian activist with Nou P ap Dòmi. The conversation offers insights for movement building in Philadelphia and Ayiti.

James: I was one of the leaders of the Montana Accord, which I eventually had to walk away from. But the intention was to tackle issues in new and more creative ways, but the traditional wings of this movement dragged down those efforts.One of the most unfortunate mistakes of this crisis is that so many people stood and asked the police to save us from a crisis that is ultimately geopolitical and regional. The United States is a major arms manufacturer, and as these guns evolve, they become more and more like gadgets.

(…)

James: A few years ago, it was estimated that there were 500,000 illegal guns in Haiti. I’m sure this has grown exponentially since those reports came out. The militarization of the Haitian police force alone–because the Haitian police force has essentially become a military force–is entirely equipped with American and Canadian equipment. You look at the civilian defense brigades that neighborhoods have been forced to build to defend themselves, becoming increasingly armed. These three categories, the Haitian police, individual citizens, and the gangs, are heavily arming themselves. No matter how you turn it, it is a situation that has been profitable for American arms manufacturers.

Haiti’s politicians have ignored that Haiti is becoming a bigger market for gun manufacturers in the West, and instead have supplemented this market in the name of “fighting gangs.” Instead of investigating the police force’s ties to the gangs, they have instead continued to buy more and more guns for this force. They have tried this strategy for three years with no results, until we find ourselves in a situation where everyone is now waiting for the capital to fall.

Talie: And like you say, this strategy automatically assumes that the police are for the people, when in reality, the police are all intertwined. We don’t even know where the police end and the gangs begin. (Source: Abolition Journal)

POLITIK/POLEMIK

Pelig Dam Disrupted by Self-Defense Group

A civilian auto-defense group in the commune of Mibalè has recently halted operations at the Peligre Dam, resulting in power outages in Pòtoprens and disrupting the water supply to the Latibonit region. The group's actions are intended to pressure the central government to respond decisively to the escalating gang invasion in Mibalè. The Peligre Dam, built in the 1950s as part of the Artibonite Valley Agricultural Project, is Haiti's primary power plant facility, with a capacity of 54 megawatts.

This development highlights the gravity of the ongoing security crisis in Haiti, as gangs continue to expand their influence and control over critical infrastructure. The potential consequences of mismanaging the dam could lead to severe flooding, even affecting the neighboring Dominican Republic. The recent negotiations between the self-defense group and the government have resulted in the latter regaining control of the Peligre Dam, but the situation remains precarious.

MIGRASYON/MIGRATION

Granmèsi Washington

This past Friday, the Supreme Court announced a decision that advocates are calling the “largest mass delegalization event in the history of the United States.”

The Supreme Court has decided that up to 500,000 Haitians, Cubans, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans can be lawfully stripped of their humanitarian parole status. Many people who had six months to a year left on their CHNV parole woke up Friday morning to find that their legal status had been terminated effective immediately.

Sit-ins in Pòtoprens

Despite the real risks to using one’s body to protest in the streets of Pòtoprens today, people continue to demand better treatment and resources from the transitional government. The Ministry of Social Affairs has begun distributing 100,000 Gourdes to displaced families, targeting 10,000 people, with a focus on 3,400 individuals with disabilities. This decision was made in response to a protest held by a group of disabled citizens outside the government disability office. However, the allocated amount is insufficient considering the cost of living in relatively stable areas such as Petyonvil and Dèlma.

On May 23rd, various feminist and Haitian groups organized a sit-in in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Culture in Haiti to draw attention to the plight of Haitian mothers, both within Haiti and abroad. The protesters demanded that the Haitian government take concrete steps to support and protect mothers against the discriminatory policies against Haitian pregnant women in the Dominican Republic. Lourdia Jean-Pierre, a Haitian mother in the Dominican Republic, recently died in labor after avoiding going to the hospital out of fear of being deported. These are the stories being uplifted and advocated for.

This protest highlights the urgent need for action to improve the well-being of mothers and children in Haiti, where pregnancy-related complications remain a leading cause of death for women. Ensuring access to prenatal care, education, and safe delivery practices, along with addressing broader societal issues such as violence and inequality, is essential to safeguard the health and rights of Haitian mothers.

KILTIRÈL

Mon Joli Petit Drapeau

Haitian Flag Day took an unexpected turn in Ayiti this year with the Transitional Presidential Council (CPT) choosing Okap as the location for the festivities, rather than the customary city of Akayè, where the flag was first created. Despite disappointment in Akayè, residents cleaned and prepared the city nonetheless. So was the case throughout the country. Haitians commemorated Flag Day with traditional parades, fueled by the participation of thousands of schoolchildren in towns and cities like Kay Jakmèl, Okay, Taba, Leyogàn, and Ti Gwav. Ayibopost covered a series of events that took place in Petyonvil and Dèlma on May 18th, including a foot race, fairs at schools and the Delma mayor’s office, and street performances by rara bands.

As expected, Okap’s May 18th parade was pretty spectacular. The city of Okap is known for its extravagant 18 Mai festivities featuring a parade with marching bands and dance troupes that prepare for the big day, year-round. Photographer, Abellard Elusma, was in the streets of Okap for Woy Magazine.

Haitian Flag Day is also widely celebrated among Haitians in the diaspora. Woy Magazine hosted its second annual Haitian Flag Day event in Philadelphia in partnership with Kontan Creative and ThatPiklizJawn. Thank you to everyone who came out to celebrate Haitian history and culture in community with us!

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Supreme Court allows Trump to revoke temporary legal status of 500,000 immigrants from 4 countries (Including Haiti)

• Gangs blamed for pulverizing Haiti’s lam veritab sector, threatening cultural fare like tonmtonm - Juhakenson Blaise for Haitian Times

• The Rights to Live Creatively Journal of Haitian Studies Special Issue Publication Launch - Haitian Studies

• Inside the pro-Israel Dominican ultra-right that’s pushing for ethnic cleansing against Haitian immigrants - Simon Rodriguez

• Laverite sou istwa machann pate Kenskòf la! - Ayibopost

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Ou vle tout, ou pèdi tout
You want it all, you lose it all
(Haitian proverb)

CHAY LA | Main Story

Haitian Voices: A Radio Documentary by Woy Magazine

In recent years, many Haitians have migrated to major U.S. cities, such as New York, Miami, Philadelphia, and Boston. While this mass exodus might seem random, it is, in fact, a direct consequence of imperialism and governmental neglect. Throughout this ongoing struggle, Haitian people have consistently expressed their experiences and aspirations through song.

In collaboration with the International Women’s Media Foundation and American Public Media, Nathalie (Talie) Cerin (Woy Lead Editor) and Mélodie Cerin (Woy Co-editor) delved into the role of Haitian music in preserving the collective memory of oppression and injustice while fostering hope for a better future.

An audio documentary, "Haitian Voices: Exodus, Community, and the Vital Role of Music," features artists and activists like Sherlee Skai and John Steve Brunache, who represent different generations of the Haitian musical tradition of atis angaje. The documentary also features Eliezer Guerisme, founder and artistic director of a major Port-au-Prince-based theatre festival, Festival En Lisant.

Airing across 150 U.S. cities in February and March 2025, from New York City to Juneau, Baton Rouge to San Diego, Oklahoma City to Philadelphia, and many points in between, "Haitian Voices" has shared the stories of Haiti's resilient people. We are now pleased to share this powerful documentary with our Woy Magazine readers, further amplifying the voices of Haitians and their enduring spirit. Listen to “Haitian Voices” here.

MIGRASYON/MIGRATION

Chilean Family Reunification Program

In Chile, a family reunification program has allowed 15,000 Haitians to migrate to the country since 2022, with more than 3,000 benefiting just this year. Mirroring the stipulations of the Biden program, eligibility for this initiative is predicated on several key factors, including holding permanent residency status, providing evidence of stable employment, possessing a clean criminal record, and demonstrating consistent payment of local taxes.

Christa Belus, 38, a local government worker in Chile, reluctantly left her 3-year-old daughter Lowanda behind with family in Haiti as deadly armed gangs, facing little international response, made life for many increasingly untenable in her home country.

"I didn't want to come (to Chile) because I didn't want to leave my baby because she was too little," Belus told Reuters of leaving her family in Port-au-Prince in 2016. "But my dad told me you have to go because you have to have a better life."

Lowanda arrived in Chile earlier this year via the country's family reunification visa program that launched in late 2022. Now aged 13, she is learning Spanish on YouTube and, aside from reuniting with her mother, has met her mother's new partner and their five-year-old son. Source: Reuters

Unfortunately, the presence of Haitians, who only constitute a minor portion of Chile's 1.6 million migrants, has also become a point of interest in the lead-up to the November general elections in Chile.

Some politicians are advocating for stricter measures, such as higher financial requirements, while viral images of Haitians arriving in the country last month have sparked fears of mass migration, prompting the Chilean congress to scrutinize the program, according to Reuters.

“4 Kampé” Subject Of Infringement Suit

Joé Dwèt Filé is being sued for infringement by Fabrice Rouzier (from Mizik Mizik) and music publisher B.E. Relations, for allegedly copying the lyrics, melodies, and the narrative from “Je Vais,” a classic Konpa song, in his breakout title “4 Kampé.”

In this new age of Konpa, Fabrice Rouzier is a new name to many, but to the seasoned Konpa fan, he is a legend. “Fabrice Rouzier is a legendary Haitian pianist and producer. In 1984, he founded one of the most iconic Konpa bands, Mizik Mizik, along with his collaborator Kéké Bélizaire, and he has gone on to produce for countless more musical acts... As a producer and bandleader, Rouzier is credited with having his imprint on 260 Haitian music albums.” (Source: Nathalie Cerin for XPNKanaval)

Rouzier is seeking financial damages for infringement but has also requested an injunction to prevent the distribution, sale, public performance, and other exploitation of any versions of the song. If you are familiar with the Haitian music scene, you may be well aware of the lax resampling culture in Haitian music and the ongoing fight Haitian artists have been leading to establish firm copyright laws in the country (check out this 2017 Afropop Worldwide episode about this issue).

KILTIRÈL

Happy Haitian Heritage Month!

May 2025 was officially designated Haitian Heritage Month by the New York State Legislature in celebration of the Haitian community’s contributions. If you are looking to celebrate with others this year, at home or abroad, there may be some great events going on in your town, so be sure to have a look around!

Join us for a Flag Day community celebration in Philly!

May 18th is Haitian Flag Day. In honor of Haitian Heritage Month and Haitian Flag Day, Woy Magazine is hosting another flag day happy hour with Kontan Creative and some amazing food from @thatpiklizjawn.

Join us in Philadelphia on May 23rd at 6 PM at The MAAS Building. Admission is FREE with RSVP.

If you don’t already, please be sure to follow us on Instagram @woymagazine for updates on this event and lots more! You can also find us on Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Haiti: Le Fossé d'Hispaniola par Étienne Côté-Paluck - L'actualité

• New Music Video from Tafa Mi-Soleil - Roots (Rasin)

• Au-delà de l’insécurité physique: repenser la violence envers les femmes en Haïti dans une perspective de sortie de crise - Eunide Louis, Marie-Claude Savard

• Haïti : Arrêt total de la production électrique, l’Ed’h dénonce un boycott et des actes d’invasion à Péligre

Stay up-to-date on everything Woy Magazine by following us on your favorite social platforms: Instagram |Twitter | Facebook | YouTube | Website

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Yon sèl dwèt pa ka manje kalalou
One single finger cannot eat okra 
(Haitian proverb)

CHAY LA | Main Story

What, to the Haitian worker, is May Day?

May 1st in Haiti is celebrated with much fanfare, particularly Fèt Agrikilti. This day is marked by fairs in town squares and schools throughout the country, highlighting locally grown food, art, and other local businesses. Jeremi, Okap, Petyonvil, Ench, and Jakmèl are only a few cities that hosted fairs this past week. Practioners of Vodou also honor the lwa of harvest and agriculture, Azaka Mede (Kouzen Zaka, Minis Azaka). Kouzen Zaka is the patron of all people who work the land and a defender of the poor. He is portrayed as wearing denim and a red handkerchief. Haitians honor Kouzen Zaka with offerings of crops.

Workers’ Day offers an opportunity to reflect and stand in solidarity with Haitian workers who have long been fighting for fairer working conditions. In our 2024 interview with Naomie St. Louis, coordinator of a trade union organization called ROHAM (Respect for Haitian Factory Workers), she explained the recent challenges to labor organizing in this current political and security crisis.

The insecurity has completely killed me as a union woman. In the factory where we work, we have a union. We try to recruit as many women as we can. Inside the union, we also have a women's organization. Whether or not a woman chooses to join the union, she has the right to join the women’s organization if she wishes. We would often go to other places for various trainings, and then we would return to share what we had learned with the other women inside the factory. After the closure of the factory, we kept fighting to work with the women, but in the end, we couldn’t.

Insecurity has affected me deeply and in so many facets of my life. But this specific facet, making it so that I can’t do my work as a union woman, this work that I love so very much, helping women, talking to women, making them understand their rights as workers — this has completely demoralized me, in every sense. I cannot find the words to explain how this insecurity has played out in the lives of women workers."Source: Hammer & Hope

Outside of the factories in the streets, the woman laborer is prominent. Sociologist Dr. Sabine Lamour, in a piece for Gazette Universitaire, analyzes the role of the machine manje. She argues these women are “agents who fashion the dynamics of daily life in the Haitian streets.”

En conclusion, les restauratrices de rue incarnent une infrastructure sociale vitale, articulant subsistance, soin et transmission culturelle. Le travail des restauratrices de rue est encastré dans des relations sociales. Le propre de ce travail de subsistance est de travailler avec et pour les autres(Collectif Rosa Bonheur, 2019) ; ainsi, la restauration de rue semble se confondre avec la vie elle-même. Ce travail de subsistance permet de mettre en relation des activités disparates et pourtant toutes orientées vers la survie économique, matérielle et morale des habitant.e.s précaires de la ville (Collectif Rosa Bonheur, 2019).
Elles sont au centre d’une dynamique où les femmes structurent une économie de survie. Il en résulte que la restauration de rue fait de la ville un espace créateur de lien social et de solidarités, tout en suggérant des « pratiques de création du monde » (Kern, 2020, p. 57). Sans le proclamer, la restauration de rue réitère le droit à la ville pour les gens issus du « pays en dehors » et pour les femmes. En tant qu’espace de leadership féminin, cette sphère socio-économique assure le double rôle de nourrir les précaires dans la ville et d’assurer le maintien des liens entre les personnes issues de cette catégorie. (Source: Gazette Universitaire)

POLITIK POLEMIK

The US designates Viv Ansanm & Gran Grif as terrorists.

The Viv Ansanm gang coalition and the Gran Grif gang were recently designated as foreign terrorist organizations by the U.S. Department of State amidst escalating violence in the country. The coalition, which we’ve discussed in previous newsletters, is led by Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier and comprises two main gang factions operating in Pòtoprens: G-9 and G-Pèp. Gran Grif is the largest gang in the Latibonit department and is reportedly responsible for 80% of the civilian deaths reported in the region.

For the gangs, this means no access to the U.S. financial system and the potential resources used to fund their operations, freezes on any property or interests located in the U.S. or under the control of a U.S. person, and prohibitions on any business coordinated with U.S. citizens.

However, this designation may have ramifications for unaffiliated actors on the ground, since individuals, including U.S. citizens, may face sanctions if they engage in specific interactions or conduct business with designated entities or individuals associated with Viv Ansanm or Gran Grif.

Concerns have been raised that this could worsen Haiti's ongoing hunger crisis, in a context where many, including aid organizations, are forced to negotiate with gangs who now control a minimum of 85% of the capital.

Business dealings are also expected to suffer, as gangs control critical infrastructure, including ports and roads. This is an important part of their strategy to generate income by monetizing their dominion over the territory through tolls and bribes.

Others view this designation as an important instrument that the CPT could use to dismantle the gang’s control over the territory. As the Presidential Transitional Council (CPT) and the international community continue to grapple with the challenge of addressing this crisis, the situation only seems to be escalating.

Ban on the Transit of Goods

To address the crisis at its root, a recent ban on the transit of goods through the Dominican Republic was set to take effect on April 7, 2025. Devised by the Haitian government to curb the flow of illegal weapons, this ban is also intended to stem an estimated $60-$75 million acquired through the extortion of shipping containers.

According to Alfred Metellus, the current Minister of Economy and Finance, the gangs can extort about $2,000 per container, enabling them to operate independently and fund their activities. This ban is, therefore, designed to limit their access to weapons, ammunition, and resources in the future.

Trade in border markets such as Dajabón should not be affected. According to Metellus, the ban only applies to goods from third-party countries and isn’t intended to penalize trade with the Dominican Republic.

Reparasyon - Restitisyon

Haitians are unimpressed with Emmanuel Macron’s recent announcement of a Franco-Haitian commission of historians to assess the impact of France's historic indemnity on Haiti and make recommendations. Professor Fritz Deshommes, Chair of the Haitian National Committee on Restitution and Reparation (CNHRR), characterized the announcement as a delay tactic that “allows for a wait-and-see approach. In reality, France shows no intention of addressing the issue of restitution in a direct and resolute manner.”

In a recent op-ed, Dr. Fania Noel argues that those in the know are well acquainted with the fact that commissions are where important matters die in French politics.

“When I want to bury a matter, I create a commission,” said Clemenceau. In 1963, General de Gaulle coined the term ‘Théodule committee’ as an ad hoc term for ineffective commissions created to bury problems or avoid solving them. Unsurprisingly, when French presidents want to deal with a matter of the utmost importance, they avoid creating any commissions or committees.

François Mitterrand, for example, declared: “I do not want to give France's atomic weapon to a European Théodule Committee that will not press the button unless the majority of its members are threatened.” And indeed, France has preserved its nuclear autonomy. (Source: AyiboPost)

The sum Haiti is owed might appear substantial; however, it only represents a mere .47% of France’s GDP in 2024, which was roughly $4.4 trillion. When examined strictly economically, this proportion underscores the relatively insignificant impact the repayment would have on France's overall economic landscape.

Imigrasyon

Marie Ange Blaise, a Haitian woman who was stopped while trying to board a flight in Saint Croix for Charlotte, North Carolina, died in ICE custody last week. Her death is currently under investigation, however she was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) since February 12th for entering the U.S. without parole or a valid immigrant visa, and was since transferred to several facilities including a facility in San Juan, Puerto Rico, then to New Orleans, Louisiana, and later to a facility in Oakdale, Louisiana.

ICE maintains that detainees are never denied care and are provided with medical, dental, and mental health screenings as well as 24-hour emergency care. Judging by how Haitian migrants have been treated in the past and the recent attacks led by the Trump administration on immigrants, this is highly concerning. Being undocumented should not expose migrants to inhumane or unjust treatment, nor should it be a death sentence.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• A small selection of the nation's largest public Haitian art collection is now on display in Des Moines - Iowa Public Radio

• Brooklyn billboard exhibit highlights Haitian diaspora art in time for Haitian Heritage Month - Haitian Times

• Haitian Americans hold a power summit in an unlikely city for talks By Jacqueline Charles - Miami Herald

• Michaël Brun live from La Citadelle Laferrière in Cap-Haïtien, Haïti

• Investir avec Kesner Pharel - Tendance à la hausse des allocations budgétaires à la Présidence durant la période 2010 - 2025.

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Mande chemen pa di pèdi pou sa
Asking for directions doesn’t mean we are lost
(Haitian proverb)

CHAY LA | Main Story

Imigrasyon

A U.S. federal judge has temporarily halted Trump’s executive order, putting an end to the humanitarian parole (Biden) for over 450,000 Venezuelans, Cubans, Nicaraguans, and Haitians whose protections were set to expire on April 24th, 2025. Organizations like the Haitian Bridge Alliance are at the forefront of a lawsuit that triggered this action by the justice sector.

We are here today — fighting on behalf of the people who have followed the law. Now we see a government that s literally pulling the rug under them, and trying to render them undocumented,” said Guerline Jozef, executive director of Haitian Bridge, an organizational plaintiff. (Source: wgbh.org)

In the turmoil of Trump’s second term, many Haitian immigrants in the United States have turned to Canada for asylum, specifically in the province of Quebec. Canadian Immigration Minister Jean-Francois Roberge has responded to the surge of migrants, stating that Quebec could not “welcome all the world’s misery.” This has sparked anger within the Haitian community.

Legault said he understands that those showing up at the border are trying to improve their lives by coming to Quebec. But he says the province has seen the number of temporary immigrants double to 600,000 from 300,000 in the past two years, putting pressure on education, health and housing services. (Source: CMJE)

With the Trump administration’s crackdown on immigration, the flow of immigrants to the Canadian border may continue to rise. The Canada-U.S. Safe Third Country Agreement, which governs policy on asylum seekers between the two countries, requires refugees to seek asylum in the country in which they arrive. However, refugees with family in Canada can cross the border and claim asylum.

Meanwhile, the Dominican Republic’s Abinader has announced more stringent measures aimed at Haitians, including increasing the number of soldiers along the border, extending the border wall, requests for identification and work permits in healthcare settings, and measures targeting Haitian migrants renting homes, among others.

Flooding in South

Heavy rains have led to severe flooding in several regions of Haiti. In the city of Okay, downpours caused significant flooding, while in Pòtoprens, over 4,000 people were affected as torrential rains damaged the displacement camp on the MTPTC grounds.

ON THIS DAY

Issued on April 17, 1825, the Ordinance of Charles X imposed an indemnity of 150 million francs on Haiti in exchange for France's recognition of its independence. This demand included a 50% discount on French import duties, making payment even more challenging for Haiti.

Two centuries later, reparations activists, including organizations like FOKAL, continue to raise awareness about this historic injustice. Reparations for the independence debt were famously demanded by Aristide when he was president, and some analysts claim it was one of the reasons he lost the support of France in 2004. The New York Times reporting on the modalities of the debt and its impact on Haiti’s ability to develop brought visibility to the story beyond Haitian circles. In response to the growing calls for reparations to Haiti, the French government announced the establishment of a commission consisting of both Haitian and French historians to examine the issue and formulate recommendations on a way forward.

This significant development comes as France's President Emmanuel Macron has acknowledged that the imposition of the debt was unjust.

Kongrè Fanm

The Kongrè Fanm, held at the University of Henri Christophe in Limonad on April 10- 12th, gathered hundreds of women, with strong participation from delegations online in Lagonav, Akayè, and Kavayon, among other places. Convened by Ayiti Community Trust (ACT), they gathered to commemorate the 75th Anniversary of the First Congress of Women in Haiti, organized by the Ligue Féminine d'Action Sociale (LFAS) in 1950.

During this first historic congress, Haitian female activists made a set of political demands, including suffrage. The activism of LFAS, which is considered the first feminist organization of Haiti, led to the right to vote in local elections and the right to run for office locally. Haitian women eventually gained the right to vote in the presidential elections in 1957.

While women are often recognized as the cornerstone of Haitian families and Haitian society, there is a glaring lack of representation in public offices and a lack of access to reproductive healthcare, which speaks to the existing barriers and inequalities that persist.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

• Eastern Parkway’s Pulse: How HCX Champions Haitian Arts in NYC by Marquis Sanchez

• AYITI ekonomi: Yon bidjè lagè 323 milya goud vote pou reponn ak ijans sekiritè a by Sérondier Louisia - Centre a la Une

• Kenyans Officers Criticize The Functioning Of The Multinational Mission par Widlore Mérancourt et Wethzer Piercin - AyiboPost

• Haitian Culture Day Parade Returns to Brooklyn with Music, Floats And a Sense of Pride | BKReader

• Cybille St. Aude-Tate’s remix on Haitian cuisine is a love letter to third culture kids

We can’t do this work without you. We have introduced a paid subscription option for our newsletter. Consider switching your free subscription to a paid one to support our work! Click the button below.

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Chen grangou pa kouche
A hungry dog does not rest
(Haitian proverb)

CHAY LA | Main Story

On the heels of a meeting with Marco Rubio in Jamaica last week, CPT President Fritz Alphonse Jean delivered a speech marking the first-year anniversary of the signing of the April 3rd political agreement, the basis for this transitional government. The sober address recognized the Haitian people's suffering and the CPT's responsibility to provide security. A promise that the CPT has failed to do nearly a year after coming to power. In this speech, Jean also called for the people to join forces with the police in the struggle to fend off the gangs, who are tied to international criminal networks. But this raises questions on how useful the Haitian National Police (PNH) is to counter and dominate the gangs. Analysts have identified ineffective coordination, fractures within the police leadership, lack of proper arms and equipment, and poor intelligence as the obstacles to proper police response.

Various neighborhoods, such as Fò Jak, Solino, Gantye, and Kanape Vè, have fought against the gangs for months. These neighborhoods have formed auto defense groups that collaborate with individual police officers. But when local authorities like those in Kenskòf and Mibalè alert the police to intervene before a gang attack, no help arrives.

In Kenskòf, police arrived once the massacre was over despite the warnings of Kenskòf’s mayor’s office, and in Mibalè Centre a la Une, reports that the police didn't receive orders to confront Viv Ansanm until 3 days after a major attack. The PNH have not regained control over any of the territories that the gangs have taken over. Just this week, Sodo, home to one of Haiti’s most sacred waterfalls, has fallen under the control of the gangs, and the police are still fighting to regain control of Mibalè. Thousands of people have fled, and the main hospital in Mibalè has been evacuated.

We also know that many police officers take advantage of the insecurity crisis to make money. There are many ways they do this. This includes transporting people in armored vehicles and providing security escorts for truckloads and containers of goods while leaving communities under attack to fend for themselves. We can recall the killing of Lincoln Bien Aime, a police officer whose family claims he was killed because he stood against the practice of charging civilians for rides in armored vehicles.

When the PNH does intervene, it poses a considerable threat to ordinary Haitians. They use disproportionate violence during protests, using tear gas and shooting into the crowd. Just last month, three people protesting against gang violence and calling for the government to take action were injured, and one person was killed.

Police operations against armed groups also pose a serious threat to the civilian population.

According to the latest Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,

" […] in 2024, the number of persons killed and injured during these police operations has risen. During the reporting period, at least 2,012 people were killed or injured during these operations, an increase of 60 percent compared to the previous one (from 29 February to 1 July 2024, when 1,253 casualties were documented). While the majority of the victims (73 percent) were reportedly affiliated with gangs and sustained injuries or death during exchanges of fire with the police, others (27 percent) were hit when they were not involved in acts of violence, often struck by stray bullets while in the streets or at home."

PNH's inability to deliver results on the ground is coupled with a dysfunctional justice system that further fuels impunity. So where can Haitians turn to for protection and justice?

Woukoukou Mario Joseph

Mario Joseph, a renowned Haitian human rights attorney, tragically died in a car accident at the age of 62. Serving as the the lead attorney at the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux in Haiti, Joseph worked on several landmark cases throughout his career, namely, the prosecution of the Raboteau massacre in 2000, where dozens of people were killed following a demonstration in support of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in April 1994, by soldiers and paramilitary forces who raided the neighborhood.

The case tried 59 people in absentia, including former coup leader Lt. Gen. Raoul Cédras. Cédras was responsible for the 1991 coup that toppled Aristide and was one of the 16 people found guilty of their role in the massacre. This landmark case also awarded victims $140 million. However, the ruling was later overturned by the Haitian Supreme Court in a decision deemed politically motivated by Amnesty International.

A champion for the protection of human rights in Haiti, Joseph’s law firm also took on the United Nations in several cases including the 2010 cholera outbreak (which killed nearly 10,000 people and infected over 800,000 others), as well as child support cases levied against the United Nations and their forces on behalf of women who had children fathered by the U.N peacekeepers.

“Mario Joseph’s contribution to the fight for democracy, justice and human rights in Haiti is legendary. Every day he fought for the Haitian people and endangered his life as a courageous lawyer fighting for their right to live in a democratic country,” said Ira Kurzban, a prominent U.S. immigration attorney who lives in Miami. (Source: Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti)

Joseph also represented dozens of political prisoners and other victims of the numerous massacres that have been taking place in Haiti over the last few decades. He will be remembered as a brave and fierce defender of the marginalized classes and an advocate dedicated to combating political violence, sexual abuse, and international negligence.

MIGRASYON/MIGRATION

Tèt chaje

The Trump administration’s announcements concerning TPS and the humanitarian parole program (known to Haitians as “Biden”) have left Haitian communities in the United States on an emotional roller coaster. Indiana Haitian community leaders describe the stress the community is feeling as the governor of Indiana has promised to cooperate with federal immigration with the help of local law enforcement.

Leonce Jean-Baptiste, executive director of the Haitian Association of Indiana, recently spoke with Mirror Indy about the stress and anxiety being felt by Haitians in Indianapolis, many of whom came to the U.S. through immigration policies enacted by former President Joe Biden.

“There are Haitian restaurants, there are Haitians churches, and it’s a vibrant community,” Baptiste said. “The ripple effects of those measures, obviously, are being felt throughout all those different activities and programs and places of worship.” (Source: Mirror Indy)

Haitians have begun to leave the United States to escape the precarity of the moment, and immigration advocates and organizations are fighting these federal policies. On March 31, the attempt to take away Temporary Protected Status from Venezuelans was blocked by a federal judge, who stated that this would cause “irreparable harm” to countless Venezuelans. In a 78-page ruling, Judge Chen went on to agree that the motivation behind the stripping away of TPS for Venezuelans was unconstitutional.

“The court’s ruling affirms that Secretary Noem breached the boundaries of DHS authority,” said Emi MacLean, an attorney with the ACLU Foundation of Northern California. “Judge Chen’s decision today recognizes the critical role of TPS, protecting people who cannot safely return to their home countries. This humanitarian protection cannot be stripped away from hundreds of thousands of people for illegitimate pretextual reasons.”

“This is a win for the rule of law,” said Erik Crew of Haitian Bridge Alliance. “It’s a win for Venezuelan TPS holders, for Haitian TPS holders, and for all people who want to be able to rely on the promises the U.S. makes.” (Source: ACLU)

ON THIS DAY

March 29, 1987

On March 29, 1987, Haitians voted in favor of a new constitution in the first elections following the Duvalier regime. The referendum established the Conseil Electoral Provisoire (CEP) to oversee the electoral process by creating and enforcing the laws governing elections and vetting the electoral candidates. Many regarded this referendum as ushering in a new era and marking the end of dictatorship. You can listen to a broadcast of Jean Dominique covering the referendum from the Radio Haiti archives here.

DEGI | Recommendations before you go

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